It will require about ten hours of work, maybe less, and I will pay A$10/hour. I live in Melbourne, Australia. If you are interested, please respond by return email.
Kan iemand mij uitleggen waarom de landen-code (zoals achter op auto's en
op het Internet "ZA" is en niet "SA" ? Zowel in het Afrikaans (Suid-Afrika)
als in het Engels (South-Africa) is de afkorting "SA", terwijl ZAmbia als
code "ZM" heeft.
Al die P.W. Ondersteuners,
Lees bietjie hier.
Dis so goed jy vra my as oud soldaat om weer onder kontant Viljoen oorlog
toe te gaan.
Sal mos nooit weer nie, `n Boer of soldaat stamp sy kop mos net eenkeer.
Boere Groete
Frikkie
Ps. Maak eerder geld bymekaar om Eugene De Kock en al die regse Politieke
gevangenisse uit die tronke te kry as om saam met die verraaiers op die
Mandella Soustryn te klim.
The support for Mr PW Botha now coming from Afrikaners - also conservative
Boere-Afrikaners - should not be seen as support for any of his actions
besides
his resistence to the so-called Truth and Reconcilliation Commission.
Boere-Afrikaners are asking many questions about the recent calls for
financial support for Mr Botha's legal costs. They are not forgetting the
history surrounding the
so-called Information scandal a few decades ago. A piece of history about
which few
people have ever heard the truth, and most did not realise that the scandal
was not the one
presented publicly by the Erasmus Commission. The real scandal was of far
greater scale and on
a different level.
Boere-Afrikaners remember very clearly that the former minister of
Information, Dr Connie Mulder had to use his whole gratification (pension)
to try and defend his
honour. Mr Botha was the one seeing to it that he received no legal aid from
the state, even
though he was accused of actions carried out in the course of his duty.
Boere-Afrikaners also remember that the scapegoat of the affair, Dr Eschel
Rhoodie (the only one to ever appear in a court of law about the matter) had
to use his
own R100 000 to defend himself. He was found, not guilty, but he never got a
cent back from
the state.
Boere-Afrikaners also ask the question if Mr Botha did not perhaps use the
information scandal to get rid of his political opponents, and if the
history of Mr
Botha is not perhaps the history of a man who carried out South Africa's
first political coup to get
to the top.
At that time Dr Connie Mulder was the National Party's favourite to follow
up Mr John Vorster.
Suddenly there was the Erasmus Commission who at first said Dr Mulder had
done nothing wrong, but then through a clever piece of manipulation, blamed
everything on
him. He was chased into the dog box and Mr Botha rose to the throne on
September 28,
1978. Before the end of that year Mr John Vorster also became a political
victim and he was
forced to step down.
Vorster was so embittered that he refused a visit from PW Botha in hospital,
even though he knew he was dying. Vorster forbade the whole cabinet, except
Mr Lapa Munnik
to attend his funeral and he also refused a state burial. His wishes were
ignored and mr
PW Botha ordered a huge state funeral which was attended by the whole
cabinet, him
included.
What was the scandal of the Information scandal? That state money was being
used to improve South Africa's image overseas? Was that not a necessity? How
could
only Dr Mulder, Dr Rhoodie and general Lang Hendrik van den Berg have known
about
the secret projects?
For years, the money used for these projects came out of an account run by
Mr Botha's Department of Defence. Who ever believed that declaration by the
then
Minister of Finance, Dr Owen Horwood that he signed the cheques, but held
his hand over it, so as
not to see where the money was going?
Boere-Afrikaners refuse to forget that Mr Botha was the man who let seperate
development fail, even before he had an alternative, such as his catch
phrase of later
years, namely healthy power sharing. He was the one bestowing draconic
powers upon the
post of state president, paving the way for FW de Klerk's capitulation.
In the eyes of Boere-Afrikaners, he stands guilty of witholding the right to
an election from white voters of South Africa. Botha rejected the belief by
common South
Africans that fundamental changes to the political and economical system
should be tested
through voting. With his interpretation of the new Constitution of 1983 and
the
results of the 1987 election, he took up the mandate to do whatever he found
to be best.
In the eyes of Boere-Afrikaners he caused the largest ever rift in the
Afrikaner community by throwing seperate development out of the window and
accepting the
meaningless policy of power sharing. The rift was not just on political
level, but also on
cultural and church level.
The rift and the diminishing support for Mr Botha could be seen in the fact
that only 15 to 20 thousand people attended the NP organised 150-year
commemoration of the
Great Trek, while more than 60 thousand people showed up at the nearby
festivities
organised by the so-called rightwing. The numbers were found in the
newspapers which supported
Mr Botha and his government.
Would the impoverished Boere-Afrikaner ever forget that he had his office
fixed up at a cost of R3,3 million and his Tuynhuis residence for R6
million? Would they ever
forget that he had a plain built in front of his office at a cost of R10
million for bigger
ceremonial parades?
People can surely not have forgotten how he manipulated the Afrikaans press
to not give any publicity to his opponents, the HNP and the CP - something
they are still
doing today.
Thousands of men and families still remember the loss of many of our young
men on the border, fighting for an ideologically which Botha had already
given up at
that time.
There are pleas coming from Boere-Afrikaners that people who are thinking of
sending money to this man, should rather give their money to a more
worthwhile
cause, such as our own structures in the form of CVO schools, volkseie sport
and volkseie
health services. Why give money to a man who sell and buy houses worth
millions of rands? A man
who received 6-number gratifications and pensions when he stepped down as
minister and as
state president.
Al die P.W. Ondersteuners,
Lees bietjie hier.
Dis so goed jy vra my as oud soldaat om weer onder kontant Viljoen oorlog
toe te gaan.
Sal mos nooit weer nie, `n Boer of soldaat stamp sy kop mos net eenkeer.
Boere Groete
Frikkie
Ps. Maak eerder geld bymekaar om Eugene De Kock en al die regse Politieke
gevangenisse uit die tronke te kry as om saam met die verraaiers op die
Mandella Soustryn te klim.
The support for Mr PW Botha now coming from Afrikaners - also conservative
Boere-Afrikaners - should not be seen as support for any of his actions
besides
his resistence to the so-called Truth and Reconcilliation Commission.
Boere-Afrikaners are asking many questions about the recent calls for
financial support for Mr Botha's legal costs. They are not forgetting the
history surrounding the
so-called Information scandal a few decades ago. A piece of history about
which few
people have ever heard the truth, and most did not realise that the scandal
was not the one
presented publicly by the Erasmus Commission. The real scandal was of far
greater scale and on
a different level.
Boere-Afrikaners remember very clearly that the former minister of
Information, Dr Connie Mulder had to use his whole gratification (pension)
to try and defend his
honour. Mr Botha was the one seeing to it that he received no legal aid from
the state, even
though he was accused of actions carried out in the course of his duty.
Boere-Afrikaners also remember that the scapegoat of the affair, Dr Eschel
Rhoodie (the only one to ever appear in a court of law about the matter) had
to use his
own R100 000 to defend himself. He was found, not guilty, but he never got a
cent back from
the state.
Boere-Afrikaners also ask the question if Mr Botha did not perhaps use the
information scandal to get rid of his political opponents, and if the
history of Mr
Botha is not perhaps the history of a man who carried out South Africa's
first political coup to get
to the top.
At that time Dr Connie Mulder was the National Party's favourite to follow
up Mr John Vorster.
Suddenly there was the Erasmus Commission who at first said Dr Mulder had
done nothing wrong, but then through a clever piece of manipulation, blamed
everything on
him. He was chased into the dog box and Mr Botha rose to the throne on
September 28,
1978. Before the end of that year Mr John Vorster also became a political
victim and he was
forced to step down.
Vorster was so embittered that he refused a visit from PW Botha in hospital,
even though he knew he was dying. Vorster forbade the whole cabinet, except
Mr Lapa Munnik
to attend his funeral and he also refused a state burial. His wishes were
ignored and mr
PW Botha ordered a huge state funeral which was attended by the whole
cabinet, him
included.
What was the scandal of the Information scandal? That state money was being
used to improve South Africa's image overseas? Was that not a necessity? How
could
only Dr Mulder, Dr Rhoodie and general Lang Hendrik van den Berg have known
about
the secret projects?
For years, the money used for these projects came out of an account run by
Mr Botha's Department of Defence. Who ever believed that declaration by the
then
Minister of Finance, Dr Owen Horwood that he signed the cheques, but held
his hand over it, so as
not to see where the money was going?
Boere-Afrikaners refuse to forget that Mr Botha was the man who let seperate
development fail, even before he had an alternative, such as his catch
phrase of later
years, namely healthy power sharing. He was the one bestowing draconic
powers upon the
post of state president, paving the way for FW de Klerk's capitulation.
In the eyes of Boere-Afrikaners, he stands guilty of witholding the right to
an election from white voters of South Africa. Botha rejected the belief by
common South
Africans that fundamental changes to the political and economical system
should be tested
through voting. With his interpretation of the new Constitution of 1983 and
the
results of the 1987 election, he took up the mandate to do whatever he found
to be best.
In the eyes of Boere-Afrikaners he caused the largest ever rift in the
Afrikaner community by throwing seperate development out of the window and
accepting the
meaningless policy of power sharing. The rift was not just on political
level, but also on
cultural and church level.
The rift and the diminishing support for Mr Botha could be seen in the fact
that only 15 to 20 thousand people attended the NP organised 150-year
commemoration of the
Great Trek, while more than 60 thousand people showed up at the nearby
festivities
organised by the so-called rightwing. The numbers were found in the
newspapers which supported
Mr Botha and his government.
Would the impoverished Boere-Afrikaner ever forget that he had his office
fixed up at a cost of R3,3 million and his Tuynhuis residence for R6
million? Would they ever
forget that he had a plain built in front of his office at a cost of R10
million for bigger
ceremonial parades?
People can surely not have forgotten how he manipulated the Afrikaans press
to not give any publicity to his opponents, the HNP and the CP - something
they are still
doing today.
Thousands of men and families still remember the loss of many of our young
men on the border, fighting for an ideologically which Botha had already
given up at
that time.
There are pleas coming from Boere-Afrikaners that people who are thinking of
sending money to this man, should rather give their money to a more
worthwhile
cause, such as our own structures in the form of CVO schools, volkseie sport
and volkseie
health services. Why give money to a man who sell and buy houses worth
millions of rands? A man
who received 6-number gratifications and pensions when he stepped down as
minister and as
state president.
Al die P.W. Ondersteuners,
Lees bietjie hier.
Dis so goed jy vra my as oud soldaat om weer onder kontant Viljoen oorlog
toe te gaan.
Sal mos nooit weer nie, `n Boer of soldaat stamp sy kop mos net eenkeer.
Boere Groete
Frikkie
Ps. Maak eerder geld bymekaar om Eugene De Kock en al die regse Politieke
gevangenisse uit die tronke te kry as om saam met die verraaiers op die
Mandella Soustryn te klim.
The support for Mr PW Botha now coming from Afrikaners - also conservative
Boere-Afrikaners - should not be seen as support for any of his actions
besides
his resistence to the so-called Truth and Reconcilliation Commission.
Boere-Afrikaners are asking many questions about the recent calls for
financial support for Mr Botha's legal costs. They are not forgetting the
history surrounding the
so-called Information scandal a few decades ago. A piece of history about
which few
people have ever heard the truth, and most did not realise that the scandal
was not the one
presented publicly by the Erasmus Commission. The real scandal was of far
greater scale and on
a different level.
Boere-Afrikaners remember very clearly that the former minister of
Information, Dr Connie Mulder had to use his whole gratification (pension)
to try and defend his
honour. Mr Botha was the one seeing to it that he received no legal aid from
the state, even
though he was accused of actions carried out in the course of his duty.
Boere-Afrikaners also remember that the scapegoat of the affair, Dr Eschel
Rhoodie (the only one to ever appear in a court of law about the matter) had
to use his
own R100 000 to defend himself. He was found, not guilty, but he never got a
cent back from
the state.
Boere-Afrikaners also ask the question if Mr Botha did not perhaps use the
information scandal to get rid of his political opponents, and if the
history of Mr
Botha is not perhaps the history of a man who carried out South Africa's
first political coup to get
to the top.
At that time Dr Connie Mulder was the National Party's favourite to follow
up Mr John Vorster.
Suddenly there was the Erasmus Commission who at first said Dr Mulder had
done nothing wrong, but then through a clever piece of manipulation, blamed
everything on
him. He was chased into the dog box and Mr Botha rose to the throne on
September 28,
1978. Before the end of that year Mr John Vorster also became a political
victim and he was
forced to step down.
Vorster was so embittered that he refused a visit from PW Botha in hospital,
even though he knew he was dying. Vorster forbade the whole cabinet, except
Mr Lapa Munnik
to attend his funeral and he also refused a state burial. His wishes were
ignored and mr
PW Botha ordered a huge state funeral which was attended by the whole
cabinet, him
included.
What was the scandal of the Information scandal? That state money was being
used to improve South Africa's image overseas? Was that not a necessity? How
could
only Dr Mulder, Dr Rhoodie and general Lang Hendrik van den Berg have known
about
the secret projects?
For years, the money used for these projects came out of an account run by
Mr Botha's Department of Defence. Who ever believed that declaration by the
then
Minister of Finance, Dr Owen Horwood that he signed the cheques, but held
his hand over it, so as
not to see where the money was going?
Boere-Afrikaners refuse to forget that Mr Botha was the man who let seperate
development fail, even before he had an alternative, such as his catch
phrase of later
years, namely healthy power sharing. He was the one bestowing draconic
powers upon the
post of state president, paving the way for FW de Klerk's capitulation.
In the eyes of Boere-Afrikaners, he stands guilty of witholding the right to
an election from white voters of South Africa. Botha rejected the belief by
common South
Africans that fundamental changes to the political and economical system
should be tested
through voting. With his interpretation of the new Constitution of 1983 and
the
results of the 1987 election, he took up the mandate to do whatever he found
to be best.
In the eyes of Boere-Afrikaners he caused the largest ever rift in the
Afrikaner community by throwing seperate development out of the window and
accepting the
meaningless policy of power sharing. The rift was not just on political
level, but also on
cultural and church level.
The rift and the diminishing support for Mr Botha could be seen in the fact
that only 15 to 20 thousand people attended the NP organised 150-year
commemoration of the
Great Trek, while more than 60 thousand people showed up at the nearby
festivities
organised by the so-called rightwing. The numbers were found in the
newspapers which supported
Mr Botha and his government.
Would the impoverished Boere-Afrikaner ever forget that he had his office
fixed up at a cost of R3,3 million and his Tuynhuis residence for R6
million? Would they ever
forget that he had a plain built in front of his office at a cost of R10
million for bigger
ceremonial parades?
People can surely not have forgotten how he manipulated the Afrikaans press
to not give any publicity to his opponents, the HNP and the CP - something
they are still
doing today.
Thousands of men and families still remember the loss of many of our young
men on the border, fighting for an ideologically which Botha had already
given up at
that time.
There are pleas coming from Boere-Afrikaners that people who are thinking of
sending money to this man, should rather give their money to a more
worthwhile
cause, such as our own structures in the form of CVO schools, volkseie sport
and volkseie
health services. Why give money to a man who sell and buy houses worth
millions of rands? A man
who received 6-number gratifications and pensions when he stepped down as
minister and as
state president.
> Boere-Afrikaners also ask the question if Mr Botha did not perhaps use the
> information scandal to get rid of his political opponents, and if the
> history of Mr
> Botha is not perhaps the history of a man who carried out South Africa's
> first political coup to get
> to the top.
Ha, ha, ha. Lekker ou binnegevegte tussen
Afrikaners. Dom ou apartheidsvarke wat nie
eens die skrif teen die muur kon sien nie.
>
> At that time Dr Connie Mulder was the National Party's favourite to follow
> up Mr John Vorster.
>
> Suddenly there was the Erasmus Commission who at first said Dr Mulder had
> done nothing wrong, but then through a clever piece of manipulation, blamed
> everything on
> him. He was chased into the dog box and Mr Botha rose to the throne on
> September 28,
> 1978. Before the end of that year Mr John Vorster also became a political
> victim and he was
> forced to step down.
>
> Vorster was so embittered that he refused a visit from PW Botha in hospital,
> even though he knew he was dying. Vorster forbade the whole cabinet, except
> Mr Lapa Munnik
> to attend his funeral and he also refused a state burial. His wishes were
> ignored and mr
> PW Botha ordered a huge state funeral which was attended by the whole
> cabinet, him
> included.
Ha, ha, ha. He He He.
Dom vet ou ooms wat nie die skrif teen
die muur kon sien nie.
En Leendert, laat ons nou jou opinies oor hierdie
ou sakies hoor. Vir my lyk dit net na 'n klomp
dom apartheidsvarke wat onder mekaar baklei.
Lees bietjie hier oor julle Lieflike Oom P.W.
Dis so goed hulle sê nou ek moet weer saam met kontant Viljoen oorlog
toe gaan.
Jy stamp mos nie jou kop twee keer nie.
Maak eerder geld bymekaar dat ons Eugene De Kock uit die tronk kan
kry.
Boere Groete
Frikkie
The support for Mr PW Botha now coming from Afrikaners - also
conservativeBoere- Afrikaners - should not be seen as support for any
of his actions besides his resistence to the so-called Truth and
Reconcilliation Commission.
Boere-Afrikaners are asking many questions about the recent calls for
financial support for Mr Botha's legal costs. They are not forgetting
the history surrounding the so-called Information scandal a few
decades ago. A piece of history about which few people have ever
heard the truth, and most did not realise that the scandal was not the
one presented publicly by the Erasmus Commission. The real scandal was
of far greater scale and on a different level.
Boere-Afrikaners remember very clearly that the former minister of
Information, Dr Connie Mulder had to use his whole gratification
(pension) to try and defend his honour. Mr Botha was the one seeing to
it that he received no legal aid from the state, even though he was
accused of actions carried out in the course of his duty.
Boere-Afrikaners also remember that the scapegoat of the affair, Dr
Eschel Rhoodie (the only one to ever appear in a court of law about
the matter) had to use his own R100 000 to defend himself. He was
found, not guilty, but he never got a cent back from the state.
Boere-Afrikaners also ask the question if Mr Botha did not perhaps use
the information scandal to get rid of his political opponents, and if
the history of Mr Botha is not perhaps the history of a man who
carried out South Africa's first political coup to get to the top.
At that time Dr Connie Mulder was the National Party's favourite to
follow up Mr John Vorster.
Suddenly there was the Erasmus Commission who at first said Dr Mulder
had done nothing wrong, but then through a clever piece of
manipulation, blamed everything on him. He was chased into the dog box
and Mr Botha rose to the throne on September 28, 1978. Before the
end of that year Mr John Vorster also became a political victim and he
was forced to step down. Vorster was so embittered that he refused a
visit from PW Botha in hospital, even though he knew he was dying.
Vorster forbade the whole cabinet, except Mr Lapa Munnik to attend his
funeral and he also refused a state burial. His wishes were ignored
and mr PW Botha ordered a huge state funeral which was attended by the
whole cabinet, him included.
What was the scandal of the Information scandal? That state money was
being used to improve South Africa's image overseas? Was that not a
necessity? How could only Dr Mulder, Dr Rhoodie and general Lang
Hendrik van den Berg have known about the secret
projects?
For years, the money used for these projects came out of an account
run by Mr Botha's Department of Defence. Who ever believed that
declaration by the then Minister of Finance, Dr Owen Horwood that he
signed the cheques, but held his hand over it, so as not to see
where the money was going?
Boere-Afrikaners refuse to forget that Mr Botha was the man who let
seperate development fail, even before he had an alternative, such as
his catch phrase of later years, namely healthy power sharing. He was
the one bestowing draconic powers upon the post of state
president, paving the way for FW de Klerk's capitulation.
In the eyes of Boere-Afrikaners, he stands guilty of witholding the
right to an election from white voters of South Africa. Botha rejected
the belief by common South Africans that fundamental changes to the
political and economical system should be tested through voting. With
his interpretation of the new Constitution of 1983 and the results of
the 1987 election, he took up the mandate to do whatever he found to
be best.
In the eyes of Boere-Afrikaners he caused the largest ever rift in the
Afrikaner community by throwing seperate development out of the window
and accepting the meaningless policy of power sharing. The rift was
not just on political level, but also on cultural and church level.
The rift and the diminishing support for Mr Botha could be seen in the
fact that only 15 to 20 thousand people attended the NP organised
150-year commemoration of the Great Trek, while more than 60 thousand
people showed up at the nearby festivities organised by the so-
called rightwing. The numbers were found in the newspapers which
supported Mr Botha and
his government.
Would the impoverished Boere-Afrikaner ever forget that he had his
office fixed up at a cost of R3,3 million and his Tuynhuis residence
for R6 million? Would they ever forget that he had a plain built in
front of his office at a cost of R10 million for bigger ceremonial
parades?
People can surely not have forgotten how he manipulated the Afrikaans
press to not give any publicity to his opponents, the HNP and the CP -
something they are still doing today.
Thousands of men and families still remember the loss of many of our
young men on the border, fighting for an ideologically which Botha had
already given up at that time.
There are pleas coming from Boere-Afrikaners that people who are
thinking of sending money to this man, should rather give their money
to a more worthwhile cause, such as our own structures in the form of
CVO schools, volkseie sport and volkseie health services. Why
give money to a man who sell and buy houses worth millions of rands? A
man who received 6-number gratifications and pensions when he stepped
down as minister and as state president.
"Kobus Pietersen" writes:
>
> Mense, wat Glodina nie sê nie, is dat Kanada ook so 'n probleme ondervind.
> In hulle geval is dit vrye handel met Koning VSA, die boelie van alle
> boelies.
Elke jaar het Kanada 'n "trade surplus"
met die VSA. Een van die grootste redes
is die bestaan van die "Autopact" (wat
dit moontlik maak vir Kanada om groot
getalle van die karre van die drie groot
VSA karmakers in Kanada aan mekaar te sit.
Buitendien koop die VSA ook baie van ons
grondstowwe. Dis die arme VSA wat altyd
'n "trade deficit" met die res van die
wereld het.
> Wat het van die inheemse bevolking van Ontario geword? Daar was net soveel
> daar as wat hier swartes was toe Jan v R geland het. Vandag sien jy hierdie
> stamme se name net op plekname. Daar is sommer gou met hulle klaar gespeel,
> hoofsaaklik om hul handel oor te neem. Of is daar reservate vir die mense,
> Glodina? Noem julle dit ook tuislande? Stam die huidige swartes van slawe
> af? Jy brand seker om te vertel.
Ja, nee, ou Kobus, jy is reg. Noord-Amerika se
klomp wit invallers het sommer korte mette gemaak
met die Eerste Nasies. Maar soos ons in jou deel
van die wereld sien, elke hond kry sy dag.
>
> Hoe gaan dit met die Proggresiewe Konserwatiewes,
Hulle het ge-implode. Nou het Jean, Charest,
hulle leier nog leier van die Liberales in
in Quebec geword. So ek dink die Progressiewe
Konserwatiwes gaan die pad van die NP:uitwissing.
Beeld spreek vandag sy kommer uit oor die aanduidings dat die regbank
onderhorig raak aan politieke inmenging.
So iets sou natuurlik niks nuut wees nie (hoewel mens natuurlik gehoop het
dat ons deftige grondwet hierdie verskynsel in die NSA bietjie sou beperk).
Wat egter opmerklik is, is dat die ANC-regering nie net onbehoorlike druk
plaas op die regbank (bv in die Angelina-geval nie). In die SARVU-saak neem
hulle die funksies van die regbank heeltemal oor:
1) Die regering besluit om SARVU te ondersoek.
2) Toe dit blyk dat die hofuitspraak vir hulle 'n verleentheid kan wees,
eis die ANC se sportarm, die NSC, dat die bestuur van SARVU bedank en plek
maak vir 'n liggaam wat deur die NSC aangestel word.
3) Die hof besluit toe nee, die regering het nie die gesag om onder die
omstandighede sy neus in die sake van 'n burgerlike organisasie te steek en
hom te ondersoek nie.
4) Sonder om eers vir die regter te wag om sy redes vir sy besluit te
gee, klim die ANC se regering nou by monde van hulle minister van sport in:
Die regering sal die NSC ondersteun in 'n veldtog om rugby internasionaal te
isoleer totdat die huidige bestuur van SARVU bedank.
Dus: die ANC se regering het die bestuur van SARVU skuldig bevind en besluit
hy moet verwyder word. Die feit dat die regbank van oordeel is dat die
regering nie geregtig is om in die onderhawige omstandighede met SARVU in te
meng nie, beteken vir die ANC se regering bloot dat die regering sy vonnis
nou langs ander weë moet voltrek (seker ook net totdat die regter vervang
kan word).
Soos in die kampe in Angola en in die townships in die verlede is die ANC
dus judge, jury and executioner.
Nou ja, soos Secret Squirrel beklemtoon het - die NSA is seker 'n
swartmansland, al het 'n mens gehoop dit sou minder eksklusief wees.
Dis net jammer as dit, soos dit nou lyk, sou beteken dat 'n "swartmansland"
nie plek het vir die oppergesag van die reg nie. Die oppergesag van die reg
was dan juis die "selling point" wat die NSA van die ("wit") OSA moes
onderskei.
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