Een Limburgse boer woont net aan de grens met Antwerpen en zijn buur is
> dan ook een Antwerpse boer.
> De twee hebben altijd een goede verstandhouding gehad, tot een treurig
> incident die relatie vertroebeld heeft.
> Het zat zo...
>
> De Limburger had een kip die elke ochtend een ei legde, en hem telkens een
> kakelvers ontbijt bezorgde.
> Op een mooie ochtend ziet hij zijn kip op het land van de buurman.
>
> Ze legt haar ei en de Antwerpenaar raapt het op. De Limburger stapt op
> zijn buur af en vraagt het ei terug.
> Die weigert omdat de kip het ei op zijn land gelegd heeft en alles op zijn
> land is dan ook van hem.
> De twee staan een hele tijd te discussieren tot de Limburger met een
> oplossing op de proppen komt...
> Kijk, zegt hij, bij ons in Limburg, als we een onoplosbaar geschil hebben,
> gebruiken we de methode van de harde kloten...
>
> De watte?, vraagt de Antwerpenaar.
>
> De harde kloten. Het is heel simpel: ik schop je in je kloten en kijk
> hoelang het duurt voor ge terug rechtstaat.
> Dan schopt gij mij in mijn kloten en kijkt hoelang het duurt voor ik
> rechtsta. Degene die het snelst rechtstaat, heef gewonnen.
>
> De Antwerpenaar gaat akkoord. De Limburger doet zijn klompen aan,
> neemt een ferme aanloop en schopt de Antwerpenaar kei-en keihard in
> zijn ballen.
> Die valt huilend naar zijn kruis grijpend op de grond...
> De tranen lopen over zijn wangen, hij kan nauwelijks ademhalen, hij rolt
> over de grond,
> heeft geen gevoel meer in zijn... enfin, you get the picture.
>
> Het duurt meer dan 30 minuten voor hij kan rechtstaan.
> Als hij dan wankelend op zijn benen staat, zegt hij: Na ies et aan maai.
>
> Zegt de Limburger: Nee, laat maar. Ge moogt het ei hebben.....
>
En waaraan het ons hierdie opstel uit die bloute te wyte?
--
Annette
"Sue Morton" skryf in boodskap news:MP5ID3I838009.3452199074@anonymous.poster...
> By the Amilcar Cabral/Paul Robeson Collective (selected extracts)
>
> The southern tip of Africa, in the area around the Cape, was
> originally inhabited by two groups of people. They were the
> Khoikhoi (Hottentot is the derisive name used by the Dutch) and
> the San (Bushmen), sometimes collectively called the Khoisan
> people. They are said to have migrated from the north 3,000
> years ago. The Khoikhoi developed a society based on hunting and
> the gathering of wild fruit and grains. The San were cattle
> raisers. Also in the area were various Black peoples from the
> north known as the "bantu". This name comes from a number of
> languages spoken throughout eastern and southern Africa. These
> migrants from the north were made up of various tribal groups
> who reached the south approximately 2,000 years ago. They
> developed an agricultural and pastoral society and worked iron
> and other metals. They settled all over the region and as far
> south as the eastern Cape. They are the ancestors of the Sotho,
> Xhosa, Zulu, Ndebele and Tswana, among others.
>
> There were peaceful relations between the Khoisan and the iron-
> age Blacks, with many intermarriages recorded. They engaged in
> trade with one another as well. The history reveals no major
> antagonisms that were reflected in military actions.
>
> NOTE: The Afrikaner rulers grossly distort this history to
> justify the settler regime they created and maintain today. They
> claim that they, a European people, found land in southern
> Africa that was not inhabited by anyone, and that therefore they
> have just claims to it. They further state that the ancestors of
> today's 25 million Black majority arrived in the area at about
> the same time or maybe after they did. These historical
> distortions are the basis for modern Afrikaner claims that South
> Africa is a country of many nations, including the white
> Afrikaner nation, with equal claims on the wealth and political
> control.
>
> The "Great Trek"
>
> NOTE: The Boers, as the Dutch settlers were known, were afraid
> of losing their source of labor and were opposed to British
> rule. Beginning in 1835 they undertook what became known as the
> "Great Trek". They moved 10,000 settlers and their slaves over
> 500 miles north-east to avoid British domination. Along the way
> they met resistance from many African leaders, whom they were
> able to defeat. They created the "independent republics" of the
> Orange Free State and the Transvaal. In this process, they stole
> more African land and subjugated the people. They developed an
> intense nationalism based on white supremacy.
>
> British settlers arrived in the Natal area during the following
> period. They set up farms and sugar plantations in the region.
> The plantation owners were short of workers and brought in
> Indians as contract laborers beginning in 1860. Most remained in
> the country and are the ancestors of the present Indian
> population in South Africa, most of whom now live in and around
> Durban.
>
South African English: Oppressor or Liberator?
Penny Silva
A. English in South Africa
1. A brief outline of its history
The history of English in South Africa dates from the arrival of
the British at the Cape in 1806. As was the case in most
colonies, English was brought to South Africa during the 19th
century initially by soldiers, and then by administrators,
missionaries, settlers, and fortune-seekers. It took root as a
southern African language as a result of the settlements of 1820
(in the Eastern Cape) and 1848-1862 (in Natal), and of the
influx to the diamond mines of Kimberley (1870) and the gold
mines of the Witwatersrand (1886).
English has evoked differing reactions in the different South
African language communities. From the beginning, English was
imposed at the Cape upon an unwilling Dutch (later Afrikaans)
community. There was an attempt to make English the sole
language of the law and of education, even in the overwhelmingly
Dutch/Afrikaans-speaking rural areas, causing a deep resentment
which is still noticeable in some Afrikaner groups today.
Afrikaner hostility towards English was of course considerably
hardened by the South African (or 'Boer') War of 1899-1902, and
English became die vyand se taal, 'the language of the enemy'.
In the early years of the 19th century English was introduced
into many black communities of the Eastern Cape (and
subsequently Natal) by missionaries who at the same time
codified Xhosa, and later the other African languages. English
was used as the medium of instruction in mission schools
"superior English, classical and mathematical education" being
offered. By the end of the century there was an influential
corps of black educators, writers, ministers, and political
leaders who were fluent in English. The accomplished, elegant
writings of John Tengo Jabavu, Gwayi Tyamzashe, Sol Plaatje,
John Knox Bokwe, and many others, remain as proof of this.
As in most countries where it serves as lingua franca, English
came to be perceived as the language of the social elite. But
while it was seen as the language of aspiration and empowerment
for black South Africans and for many Afrikaners, among a
significant section of the Afrikaans population it was
consistently received with hostility as an oppressor, and, from
the time the National Party came to power in 1948, Afrikaans
became the openly-favoured language. Despite the fact that
English was the other official language, the business of
government and administration was conducted almost exclusively
in Afrikaans. State resources were allocated to the development
of Afrikaans while English was afforded a lesser status and the
African languages were ignored (except for some being declared
the official languages of the discredited ethnic 'homelands').
Despite the treatment of English as a 'Cinderella' language in
official circles from 1948-94, English was too powerful to be
adversely affected, and it retained its dominance as the
language of higher education, commerce, science, and technology,
and as the internal and international language of communication.
2. The nature of South African English (SAE): what distinguishes
it from other varieties?
South African English has always existed in a complex
multilingual and multi-cultural environment. Since 1994 English
has been one of eleven official languages, and mother-tongue
English-speakers number just three and a half million in a
population of over forty million people under 9%. So the
position of SAE is markedly different from that in multi-lingual
but predominantly English-speaking countries such as Australia,
New Zealand, Canada, and the USA. There is the potential for
influence by many more languages than in other English-speaking
communities, and these languages have widely divergent origins
and structures. From the beginning English was in "extensive and
intimate" contact with another language, Afrikaans, a descendant
of Dutch which was influenced by Malayo-Javanese and Khoi
languages. The South African Bantu languages are divided into
two major groups, Nguni in the east (Zulu, Xhosa, Siswati,
Ndebele) and Sotho in the central and northern areas (Sesotho,
Setswana, Sepedi). Two far-northern languages, Xitsonga and
Tshivenda, are unrelated to the Nguni and Sotho groups. Among
the languages not recognized as official are the vanishing
Indian languages, particularly Gujarati and Hindi, formerly
influential in the province of Kwazulu-Natal; community
languages like Portuguese, German, and Greek; and religious
languages such as Arabic and Hebrew.
While English-speakers are certainly out-numbered, there is at
the same time a larger, more permanent, and more influential
body of mother-tongue speakers in South Africa than is the case,
for instance, in India, Nigeria, or Kenya. There is in other
words a greater 'standard' mother-tongue English presence in
South Africa than in some countries which have opted for English
as the language of communication.
The assimilation of words and patterns from the other South
African languages, over nearly 200 years, has made SAE into a
variety of English which is rooted in the region and which
reflects the way in which all South African communities have
appropriated the language. The vocabulary of SAE has been
influenced to a greater or lesser degree by the other ten
official languages, and by other languages too, both historical
and contemporary but SAE has particularly been influenced by
the following languages:
Afrikaans, e.g. apartheid, boerewors 'spiced sausage', braai
'barbecue',
in a dwaal
'confused, dreamy', jol 'have fun', laatlammetjie 'younger last
child', lekker 'pleasant, nice, delicious', middelmannetjie
'ridge down the
middle of a dirt road', springbok 'type of antelope' and 'sports-
person in a
national team
the Nguni languages, especially Xhosa and Zulu, e.g. bonsella
'surprise
the Sotho languages (Sesotho, Sepedi, and Setswana), e.g the
Difaqane 'large-scale dispersal of tribes-people during the 19th
century', mampara 'idiot, silly person', marula 'tree; its
edible berries', and
several Indian languages (especially Gujarati and Hindi), e.g.
breyani 'Indian dish of meat and rice', bunny-chow 'curry in a
hollowed-out half-loaf of bread', Deepavali 'religious festival'
(known as Diwali elsewhere), and samoosa 'triangular pastry with
curried filling' (known as samosa in Britain), charo 'Indian'
(affectionate if used by an Indian person, but racist if used by
others).
Several languages were influential in the past:
Portuguese, e.g. bredie 'stew', commando, kraal 'animal
enclosure', padrao 'cross' (as erected by early explorers)
the Khoisan languages, e.g. abba 'carry (a child) on one's
back', buchu 'medicinal plant', dagga 'marijuana', eina
'ouch!',gogga 'insect, creepy-crawly', kierie 'knobbed stick',
kudu 'large antelope' and
the Malayo-Javanese languages, e.g. bobotie 'curried mince
dish', pondokkie 'rough hut, hovel', sjambok 'whip'
In addition to borrowed words, SAE includes expressions
translated from other languages, e.g. from Zulu and Xhosa, the
common greetings go well and stay well, monkey's wedding
'simultaneous sunshine and rain'; to throw the bones 'to
divine'; and from Afrikaans, to hold thumbs 'to cross one's
fingers' and to suck one's thumb 'to make something up' with
the noun thumbsuck. It has also developed new senses of
established English words, e.g. cubbyhole 'glove compartment',
just now 'in a while', location 'black residential area',
motivation 'project proposal', robot 'traffic-light'; has
retained old-fashioned British English words, e.g. geyser 'water
heater', bioscope 'cinema'; and has created new expressions,
e.g. bundu-bash 'drive (or walk) through wild countryside',
interleading (doors, rooms) 'interconnecting', securocrat
'military bureaucrat', skiboat 'flat-bottomed fishing-boat',
sleeper-couch, stop street 'stop-sign, intersection'.
In SAE, pronunciation and intonation (and often vocabulary, and
sometimes even grammar) differ markedly from one ethnic
community to another (largely a result of the Group Areas act
during the apartheid era, which separated communities into
different residential areas, and segregated school-children into
ethnically-based schools).There is no one South African English,
but a number may be distinguished mother-tongue, Afrikaans,
Black, Coloured, and Indian English, each with its own standard
form. Obviously, as the ethnic barriers break down in the new
society, these old, enforced differences have begun to blur.
B. Attitudes to SA
1. Introduction
South Africans have been generally unaware of the extent to
which their variety differed from other world varieties. White
mother-tongue speakers are aware of some of the distinguishing
features (particularly the slang), and are typically very
critical of SAE, perceiving it as an inferior, 'incorrect'
version of British English. The publication of specialized SAE
dictionaries, and especially the appearance of the Dictionary of
South African English on Historical Principles (1996), will
hopefully help to improve the perceived status of the variety
within the mother-tongue community, and will perhaps raise
awareness of the 'flavour' of SAE, and of the contribution made
by all language communities to this variety. A black journalist
recently wrote the following:
Publishing a dictionary of words which are as exclusively South
African as pap en wors [porridge and sausage] frees indigenous
people from balking at using their own version of the English
language. This book recognizes, traces, documents, celebrates
and elevates our English. It is an affirmation of this eclectic
language and the freedom of a people. (Saint Molakeng, The
Sowetan, 29 Oct. 1997, p.17
2. Apartheid, Afrikaans, and English
Whereas in other post-colonial societies English has often been
viewed as an interloper, imposed from outside and thus
politically suspect, in South African society Afrikaans shielded
SAE from this stigma in the period 1948-94. Afrikaans became
known as "the language of the oppressor": apartheid was enforced
in Afrikaans, as it was the language of the bureaucracy and the
police force. In contrast, English was chosen as language of
communication by the ANC and the other liberation organizations
during the 'freedom struggle', and "has typically been seen as
the language of liberation and black unity" (Gough 1996:xviii).
English was chosen as the language of instruction by the black
governments of 'independent homelands' such as the Transkei, and
English-language newspapers enjoyed wide readership in the
townships. The attempt to introduce Afrikaans as a language of
instruction in 'Bantu Education' schools, supplanting English in
some subjects, was the spark which ignited the Soweto uprising
of 1976.
Since 1994 Afrikaans has severed its intimate connection with
power and oppression, and there is a new emphasis being placed
by Afrikaners on the fact that Afrikaans is the community
language of blacks as well as whites. The public use of
Afrikaans (in government and the media) has shrunk dramatically,
and its symbolic role has changed from being the language of
power to being one of a number of community languages, leading
(understandably) to insecurity and considerable anger amongst
many Afrikaans-speakers. It is notable that some Afrikaners have
recently identified themselves in public forums with speakers of
the African languages, 'standing together' against the perceived
threat of the juggernaut, English.
3. Paradoxes
There is much that is paradoxical in the way that English
operates, and is perceived, in South Africa.
Politicians and position papers condemn the hegemony of English,
and call for the development and modernization of the African
languages as languages for higher education; yet the reality is
that practicality, the cost, and public opinion all lead to
English.
The constitution entrenches eleven official languages as equals,
and supports the concept of multilingualism: yet impassioned
conferences on the promotion of multilingualism have been
conducted largely in English. The language of government is
English, despite valiant attempts to publish official material
in several languages. The reality is that the high cost of
multilingualism is beyond the reach of South Africa, and English
is the only 'neutral' national language available to government.
In Vivian de Klerk's (1996:8) words:
In South Africa language has now become a terrain of struggle, a
struggle over the basic human right to express oneself in one's
mother tongue. It is all about self-worth and belonging and is
underpinned by power: economic interests, political muscle and
cultural concerns.
In this context the status of English is a highly-charged issue;
and yet practical considerations usually result in the choice of
English, with no apparent struggle and little argument.
English is the mother-tongue of 3.5 million South Africans of
all ethnic backgrounds,: yet it is often perceived only as a
'neutral', colourless lingua franca, not as a cultural and
community language. The stresses arising from this perception
are illustrated in the recent restructuring of the English-
language radio station, SAfm, as the 'flagship' of national
radio. It is now the one station which attempts to cater for all
communities, and in which non-mother-tongue speakers are
employed as announcers and newsreaders. The process has led to
discontent
and indignation in the (white) English-speaking community, and
to accusations from the head of SABC Radio that this reaction
was "racist, colonialist, chauvinist".
English is seen as the language of upward mobility and
empowerment by black South Africans: yet it is the historically
disempowered (and particularly the black rural poor), who are
least likely to have access to this resource. As Vivian de Klerk
(1996:7) writes:
Alongside its growth because of its perceived neutrality and its
high status.., and despite a pragmatic recognition of what
English can offer, there is a very real possibility that
elitism, domination and social injustice, as well as personal
language loss could result from the spread of English.., and
this is particularly true of South Africa. As Albie Sachs puts
it.. "the omnipresence of English can be inconvenient and
suffocating and induce a sense of disempowerment and exclusion.
In a sense, all language rights are against English, which in
the modern world is such a powerful language that it needs no
protection at all."
The opinion has been expressed by politicians and academics that
'African English' should be accepted as 'standard' that
English should be restandardised. However, much of the value
attached to English resides in its status as international
language, and increasing divergence from the international
standard will tend to disempower second-language speakers and
make internal communication more difficult. The average black
parent demands that his or her children learn 'good English', or
even 'the Queen's English'.
While Black parents insist on education in English for their
children, in reality many teachers in the black school system
(particularly in the rural schools) have, as an inheritance of
'Bantu Education', not acquired enough knowledge of English to
make this possible. The poor use of English as a medium of
instruction hampers the wider educational process; but reverting
to mother-tongue instruction (as was imposed by the apartheid
system) would be opposed by many black parents.
While 'good English' may be aspired to, there is often a social
divide between those black people who speak 'standard' SAE and
those who do not. Children who attend private schools are
sometimes embarrassed by being seen to speak standard SAE, and
thus adopt a more typical African pronunciation in the
townships. People speaking standard SAE, or even what is
perceived as 'too much' English, are given nicknames like
situation or excuse me. Black television announcers with
standard SAE accents are branded as too 'white' by some black
viewers.
C. Conclusion
The advent of Nelson Mandela's government in 1994 brought about
rapid changes in the balance between English and Afrikaans in
government and the media, and also increased the use of African
languages on television. English remains the politically
'neutral' language for public use: President Mandela's speeches
are almost invariably in English; national conferences are held
largely in English; in Parliament, although all official
languages may be used, English is predominant; tertiary
education is in English, with the exception of some of the
Afrikaans-language campuses. Multilingualism is entrenched in
the constitution, and supported as an ideal, but with its
massive translating, interpreting, and printing implications, it
is beyond the reach of the South African economy while there are
urgent needs in health, housing, and education.
The status of English as an international language, and as one
which is politically more neutral than any other South African
language, and its choice by the ANC, seems to ensure its ever-
increasing dominance at a national level. At this level English
is a national asset and 'liberator', in that it offers
international access and a tool for communication between
language groups. However, this dominance is likely to result in
a growing resentment of English, particularly among those who
have an 'old' political agenda, or who do not have access to
becoming proficient in the language. To these South Africans,
English will certainly be seen as 'oppressor'.
English in South Africa has long since passed out of the hands
of mother-tongue speakers. With its increased public use by the
new black elite, and in the electronic media, it seems likely
that standard SAE is entering a period of accelerated change.
This has already led to an intolerant reaction from some
conservative English-speakers, and 'standard' is likely to
become an increasingly difficult issue.
If English is to be seen as 'liberator' by the average second-
language speaker, the attitudes of mother-tongue speakers are
significant. Triumphalism, arrogance, and irritation towards
second-language speakers result in resentment.
If it is to be 'liberator', English should be a resource to be
appropriated and owned by all South Africans, not just the
elite, to be used as a gateway to the wider world. For this to
happen, creative solutions (and massive expenditure) would have
to be applied to the teaching of English, particularly in black
rural schools.
Simultaneously, SAE will hopefully be claimed as the colourful
and particularly local creation of an increasingly multi-ethnic
company of first-, second-, and third-language speakers, and be
used even more extensively than at present as the national
language of communication. If it offers itself (and is
perceived) as servant and liberator rather than oppressor,
English will provide the linguistic 'glue' to bond a diverse and
complex society.
"Depending on the version of the Bible you use, there are as many as 40
passages that refer to nudity," said Bill Martin, co-founder of Natura,
which will be the first Christianity-themed nudist colony in the country
when it opens in a Tampa (Florida, US) suburb in April.
"In the Bible book of Isaiah 20.2, God tells Isaiah to go into the
wilderness naked for three years. So there's a historical basis for a
Christian nudist lifestyle," continued Martin, who is a Quaker.
Dis nou spesiaal vir daai kerkie in Brackenfell, waar die dominee se vrou 'n
toring van 'n probleem het.
Ek kan my net voorstel die temas van die preke met 'n heel nuwe lig op die
onderwerp.
Ek wonder hoeveel miljoeners is daar wat 'n miljoen sal betaal vir 'n
knippie.
Pure wensdenkery.
So, vroue wat geld aanvaar vir seks het mos 'n skeldnaam.
Wat se naam is daar vir mans wat kontant uithaal vir 'n onge-oorloofde
knippie? Manlikheid?
--
Annette
"Jonas" skryf in boodskap news:buq214$jbd$1@ctb-nnrp2.saix.net...
> Kolskoot bolander ...
>
Ek versoek vriendelik vandag, dat almal wat gereeld van hierdie nuusgroep
gebruik maak, nie reageer op die tipe briewe soos Kaalgat en andere s'n
nie. Dit gee hulle net rede om terug te kom hierheen. Hulle soek duidelik
aandag.
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