@igs.net wrote in message ...
> "Leendert van Oostrum" writes: >
>
>
>> Dis eintlik eenvoudig. Dit gaan nie vir haar oor wat reg en verkeerd is nie.
>> Dit gaan vir haar daaroor dat, as mens wit en Afrikaans is, is jy
>> "verkeerd".
>
Let nou op:
Stap een: hang aan Leendert die etiket "apartheidsvark":
>
> Dis hier waar Leendert homself openbaar
> as 'n argumentatiewe en kompulsiewe
> kekkelaar van uitgediende apartheids-
> vark argumente.
Stap 1a (opsioneel): Identifiseer Gloudina met "die Afrikaner-erfenis". Wat
sy sê, is dus paslik vir 'n "opregte Afrikaner":
> As daar een ding is
> wat vir almal duidelik moet wees, is
> dat ek die Afrikaner-erfenis eerbiedig
Stap 2: Enigeen wat deur Gloudina aangekla word, moet noodwendig iemand
wees wat die Afrikaner se naam beswadder:
> en enigiemand aankla wat in die verlede
> gedurf het en nou nog durf om die
> Afrikaner se naam te beswadder met hulle
> apartheidsvarkerige opinies en dade.
En dan kom die necklace:
> Kom
> ons stuur die varke met die heuwel af
> en bestendig die Afrikaner se eertydse
> goeie naam weer in die wereld.Kom ons
> vra mense in die buiteland om vir die
> apartheidsvarke vrypasse te gee na
> ander lande waar hulle meer tuis gaan
> wees. Soos byvoorbeeld die westelike
> deel van Kanada. Juis vanoggend is 5
> neo-nazi skinheads voor die hof oor die
> moord van 'n opsigter by 'n Sikh tempel.
Winnie (Mandela se mees onlanse vrou) kon die nie beter gedoen het nie,
Gloudina!
"Leendert van Oostrum" writes: >
> @igs.net wrote in message ...
>> Maar ek het geen simpatie met
>> Afrikaners wat hulle bekke rek oor al
>> die onreg en onregverdigheid nie.
>
> Let op:
>
> Geen mens aan wie die etiket "afrikaner" hang mag hom/haar uitspreek oor
> onreg en onregverdigheid nie.
>
> Iemand wat dit doen is "dislojaal", soos Magic Madiba dit sou stel.
>
> Hitler kon dit nie beter gedoen het nie.
>
>> Dis
>> nou weer ander mense se beurt om korrup
>> en onregverdig te wees. Jou rassegroep
>> het hulle beurt gehad.
>
> Sorry, ou!
>
> Gloudina het jou tot "untermensch" verklaar.
>
> Mense wat nie van jou rassegroep (LET WEL!) is nie, het Gloudina se
> permissie om korrup en onregverdig te wees.
>
> Mense van jou rassegroep mag hulle nie eens daaroor uitspreek nie!
>
> Jy sien hoe werk Gloudina se hekstegniek? Pure Black Magic nes Madiba s'n!
>
> Groete, Leendert
Leendert, neem in ag dat daar so-iets
soos 'n snip skok-tegniek is om mense
op hulle plek te sit. Jy gebruik dit
gedurig. Maar as iemand anders dit
gebruik, dan skryf jy 'n tesis daaroor.
En ek herhaal weer: Niemand het permissie
om korrup en onregverdig te wees nie.
Maar dis 'n dubbele travestie as mense
uit die groep wat een van die grootste
mensereg-skandale van die huidige
eeu uitgedink het, nou kla oor ander
se korrupsie en geregtigheid. Ek dink
dit sal alle Afrikaners goed doen om
hulle monde te hou en deur goeie 'n
voorbeeld te wys dat die mislike ou
dae nou verby is. As hulle hier en
daar oor iets spesifieks kla, is
ek seker dat daarna geluister word.
Het Mandela nie nou die dag verklaar
dat as Beeld iets negatiefs oor die
regering sê, hulle dadelik dit
registreer.
> Die eerste stap is om die idee te vestig dat daar bepaalde groepe mense is
> wat nie oor fundamentele regte beskik nie - dis nou mense soos nazi's,
> fasciste, apartheidsvarke.
> Sulke mense mag
> nie verdedig word nie, en niemand mag glo wat sulke mense sê nie. Hulle is
> nie daarop geregtig om gehoor te word nie
Liewe aarde, hierdie groepe mense word al vir honderde jare gehoor. Hoeveel
meer wil jy hoor. Het ons nie by nou geleer uit konsentrasiekampe, apartheid,
haatmoorde, Ku Klux Klan lynchings en dies meer dat wat hierdie groepe te se
het nie die welstand en vooruitgang van 'n kontemporere samelewing ondersteun
nie. Wat de fok wil jy nog van hulle hoor, en wat wil jy nog verdedig. Jy's
'n apartheidsvark, Leendert, die ergste soort - die wat dit nie erken nie. At
least Frikkie RSA-boy probeer nie homself befok nie.
Ek gaan draf met die ou hond op die strand. Girts girts maak die sand onder
my voete, swoesh sê die see. Die hond raak naderhand effens agter, arme
ding, sy asem nie meer die' van jare gelede nie. Ek gaan staan stil en wag
hom in, ekself maar hygend. Dit is volmaan, die ronde kaas hang soos 'n oog
aan die muur van die horison. Die hond draf na die waterkant om die lig te
gaan ruik. Soos glimwurms dartel die maan se weerkaatsing tussen die golfies
deur, 'n ligpad wat strek van die verste punt van die oseaan tot by die hond
se pote. Hy lig sy kop en kyk uit oor die see, waterdruppels aan sy baard. Hy
sou op daardie ligpad kon loop, weet ek, soos 'n jesus, as hy net die maan
kon vertrou.
II. Die kettingleer
Die eerste keer toe ek die kettingleer sien, het ek gedink: vandag duiwel ek
hier af. Dit was nie vreeslik hoog nie; miskien twintig of dertig meter.
Maar dit het loodreg teen die rotswand uitgeslang, en verder op met 'n
effense boog agter die klippe uit sig verdwyn, die bo-punt van die leer 'n
onseker hemel. Boonop het die bergwind die leer se trappies laat rinkel, soos
'n deurklokkie het dit iemand laat weet, hy is hier.
Ver bo die plato het die lammervanger stadig 'n draai voor die donderwolke
gemaak, sy vlerke 'n stil erkenning van die wind se krag.
Mont-aux sources, 3 April 1998
III. Are friends electric?
Selfmoordgedagtes, sê die blonde meisie voor sy die pizza hap. Nog nooit
gehad nie. En verder, wie wil nou voor sy tyd doodgaan? Fok ouers, fok
onvriendlike kafee-eienaars, fok stupid boyfriends. Ek kan van werk verander,
of 'n hond kry, of my kar verf. Niks is onmoontlik nie. Ek kan voor die
spieel staan en rooi lipstiffiekringe om my oe trek, en besluit, hi'e'r sit
my siel. En ek en jy kan hande vashou in tranetrekkermovies, als wat lekker
is. Leef, leef is 'n besluit, nooit 'n gegewe nie. As die kar breek, bel 'n
mechanic, ryloop, of bel die AA, die trip is die moeite werd. Ek kan altyd
mooier aantrek as gisteroggend, want ek is die hero in my eie storie.
...verstaan jy? Glo jy my?
-----== Posted via Deja News, The Leader in Internet Discussion ==----- http://www.dejanews.com/ Now offering spam-free web-based newsreading
Hierdie is net my persoonlike opinie, en almal wat nie daarmee saamstem
nie kan maar gerus met my stry. Ek is uiters teleurgesteld met die inhoud
en vlak van gesprekvoering in hierdie nuusgroep. Ek het juis hierdie
nuusgroep begin lees want die ander Suid-Afrikaanse een was so vol
sinnelose gemors. Dit lyk nou asof hierdie groep die onvolwasse voorbeeld
van die ander een navolg. Persoonlike beledigings en irrasionele,
emosie-belaaide argumente is tog in swak smaak, en kan sekerlik nie tot
enige akademiese of politiese gesprek bydra nie. Miskien is die hele
atmosfeer in hierdie nuusgroep maar kenmerklik van Suid-Afrikaanse
politiek in die algemeen???
Ek probeer nie pleit dat mense net positiewe dinge oor Suid-Afrika moet
skryf nie, maar selfs 'n negatiewe argument kan op 'n beskaafde, volwasse
wyse gemaak word.
It will require about ten hours of work, maybe less, and I will pay A$10/hour. I live in Melbourne, Australia. If you are interested, please respond by return email.
Kan iemand mij uitleggen waarom de landen-code (zoals achter op auto's en
op het Internet "ZA" is en niet "SA" ? Zowel in het Afrikaans (Suid-Afrika)
als in het Engels (South-Africa) is de afkorting "SA", terwijl ZAmbia als
code "ZM" heeft.
Al die P.W. Ondersteuners,
Lees bietjie hier.
Dis so goed jy vra my as oud soldaat om weer onder kontant Viljoen oorlog
toe te gaan.
Sal mos nooit weer nie, `n Boer of soldaat stamp sy kop mos net eenkeer.
Boere Groete
Frikkie
Ps. Maak eerder geld bymekaar om Eugene De Kock en al die regse Politieke
gevangenisse uit die tronke te kry as om saam met die verraaiers op die
Mandella Soustryn te klim.
The support for Mr PW Botha now coming from Afrikaners - also conservative
Boere-Afrikaners - should not be seen as support for any of his actions
besides
his resistence to the so-called Truth and Reconcilliation Commission.
Boere-Afrikaners are asking many questions about the recent calls for
financial support for Mr Botha's legal costs. They are not forgetting the
history surrounding the
so-called Information scandal a few decades ago. A piece of history about
which few
people have ever heard the truth, and most did not realise that the scandal
was not the one
presented publicly by the Erasmus Commission. The real scandal was of far
greater scale and on
a different level.
Boere-Afrikaners remember very clearly that the former minister of
Information, Dr Connie Mulder had to use his whole gratification (pension)
to try and defend his
honour. Mr Botha was the one seeing to it that he received no legal aid from
the state, even
though he was accused of actions carried out in the course of his duty.
Boere-Afrikaners also remember that the scapegoat of the affair, Dr Eschel
Rhoodie (the only one to ever appear in a court of law about the matter) had
to use his
own R100 000 to defend himself. He was found, not guilty, but he never got a
cent back from
the state.
Boere-Afrikaners also ask the question if Mr Botha did not perhaps use the
information scandal to get rid of his political opponents, and if the
history of Mr
Botha is not perhaps the history of a man who carried out South Africa's
first political coup to get
to the top.
At that time Dr Connie Mulder was the National Party's favourite to follow
up Mr John Vorster.
Suddenly there was the Erasmus Commission who at first said Dr Mulder had
done nothing wrong, but then through a clever piece of manipulation, blamed
everything on
him. He was chased into the dog box and Mr Botha rose to the throne on
September 28,
1978. Before the end of that year Mr John Vorster also became a political
victim and he was
forced to step down.
Vorster was so embittered that he refused a visit from PW Botha in hospital,
even though he knew he was dying. Vorster forbade the whole cabinet, except
Mr Lapa Munnik
to attend his funeral and he also refused a state burial. His wishes were
ignored and mr
PW Botha ordered a huge state funeral which was attended by the whole
cabinet, him
included.
What was the scandal of the Information scandal? That state money was being
used to improve South Africa's image overseas? Was that not a necessity? How
could
only Dr Mulder, Dr Rhoodie and general Lang Hendrik van den Berg have known
about
the secret projects?
For years, the money used for these projects came out of an account run by
Mr Botha's Department of Defence. Who ever believed that declaration by the
then
Minister of Finance, Dr Owen Horwood that he signed the cheques, but held
his hand over it, so as
not to see where the money was going?
Boere-Afrikaners refuse to forget that Mr Botha was the man who let seperate
development fail, even before he had an alternative, such as his catch
phrase of later
years, namely healthy power sharing. He was the one bestowing draconic
powers upon the
post of state president, paving the way for FW de Klerk's capitulation.
In the eyes of Boere-Afrikaners, he stands guilty of witholding the right to
an election from white voters of South Africa. Botha rejected the belief by
common South
Africans that fundamental changes to the political and economical system
should be tested
through voting. With his interpretation of the new Constitution of 1983 and
the
results of the 1987 election, he took up the mandate to do whatever he found
to be best.
In the eyes of Boere-Afrikaners he caused the largest ever rift in the
Afrikaner community by throwing seperate development out of the window and
accepting the
meaningless policy of power sharing. The rift was not just on political
level, but also on
cultural and church level.
The rift and the diminishing support for Mr Botha could be seen in the fact
that only 15 to 20 thousand people attended the NP organised 150-year
commemoration of the
Great Trek, while more than 60 thousand people showed up at the nearby
festivities
organised by the so-called rightwing. The numbers were found in the
newspapers which supported
Mr Botha and his government.
Would the impoverished Boere-Afrikaner ever forget that he had his office
fixed up at a cost of R3,3 million and his Tuynhuis residence for R6
million? Would they ever
forget that he had a plain built in front of his office at a cost of R10
million for bigger
ceremonial parades?
People can surely not have forgotten how he manipulated the Afrikaans press
to not give any publicity to his opponents, the HNP and the CP - something
they are still
doing today.
Thousands of men and families still remember the loss of many of our young
men on the border, fighting for an ideologically which Botha had already
given up at
that time.
There are pleas coming from Boere-Afrikaners that people who are thinking of
sending money to this man, should rather give their money to a more
worthwhile
cause, such as our own structures in the form of CVO schools, volkseie sport
and volkseie
health services. Why give money to a man who sell and buy houses worth
millions of rands? A man
who received 6-number gratifications and pensions when he stepped down as
minister and as
state president.
Al die P.W. Ondersteuners,
Lees bietjie hier.
Dis so goed jy vra my as oud soldaat om weer onder kontant Viljoen oorlog
toe te gaan.
Sal mos nooit weer nie, `n Boer of soldaat stamp sy kop mos net eenkeer.
Boere Groete
Frikkie
Ps. Maak eerder geld bymekaar om Eugene De Kock en al die regse Politieke
gevangenisse uit die tronke te kry as om saam met die verraaiers op die
Mandella Soustryn te klim.
The support for Mr PW Botha now coming from Afrikaners - also conservative
Boere-Afrikaners - should not be seen as support for any of his actions
besides
his resistence to the so-called Truth and Reconcilliation Commission.
Boere-Afrikaners are asking many questions about the recent calls for
financial support for Mr Botha's legal costs. They are not forgetting the
history surrounding the
so-called Information scandal a few decades ago. A piece of history about
which few
people have ever heard the truth, and most did not realise that the scandal
was not the one
presented publicly by the Erasmus Commission. The real scandal was of far
greater scale and on
a different level.
Boere-Afrikaners remember very clearly that the former minister of
Information, Dr Connie Mulder had to use his whole gratification (pension)
to try and defend his
honour. Mr Botha was the one seeing to it that he received no legal aid from
the state, even
though he was accused of actions carried out in the course of his duty.
Boere-Afrikaners also remember that the scapegoat of the affair, Dr Eschel
Rhoodie (the only one to ever appear in a court of law about the matter) had
to use his
own R100 000 to defend himself. He was found, not guilty, but he never got a
cent back from
the state.
Boere-Afrikaners also ask the question if Mr Botha did not perhaps use the
information scandal to get rid of his political opponents, and if the
history of Mr
Botha is not perhaps the history of a man who carried out South Africa's
first political coup to get
to the top.
At that time Dr Connie Mulder was the National Party's favourite to follow
up Mr John Vorster.
Suddenly there was the Erasmus Commission who at first said Dr Mulder had
done nothing wrong, but then through a clever piece of manipulation, blamed
everything on
him. He was chased into the dog box and Mr Botha rose to the throne on
September 28,
1978. Before the end of that year Mr John Vorster also became a political
victim and he was
forced to step down.
Vorster was so embittered that he refused a visit from PW Botha in hospital,
even though he knew he was dying. Vorster forbade the whole cabinet, except
Mr Lapa Munnik
to attend his funeral and he also refused a state burial. His wishes were
ignored and mr
PW Botha ordered a huge state funeral which was attended by the whole
cabinet, him
included.
What was the scandal of the Information scandal? That state money was being
used to improve South Africa's image overseas? Was that not a necessity? How
could
only Dr Mulder, Dr Rhoodie and general Lang Hendrik van den Berg have known
about
the secret projects?
For years, the money used for these projects came out of an account run by
Mr Botha's Department of Defence. Who ever believed that declaration by the
then
Minister of Finance, Dr Owen Horwood that he signed the cheques, but held
his hand over it, so as
not to see where the money was going?
Boere-Afrikaners refuse to forget that Mr Botha was the man who let seperate
development fail, even before he had an alternative, such as his catch
phrase of later
years, namely healthy power sharing. He was the one bestowing draconic
powers upon the
post of state president, paving the way for FW de Klerk's capitulation.
In the eyes of Boere-Afrikaners, he stands guilty of witholding the right to
an election from white voters of South Africa. Botha rejected the belief by
common South
Africans that fundamental changes to the political and economical system
should be tested
through voting. With his interpretation of the new Constitution of 1983 and
the
results of the 1987 election, he took up the mandate to do whatever he found
to be best.
In the eyes of Boere-Afrikaners he caused the largest ever rift in the
Afrikaner community by throwing seperate development out of the window and
accepting the
meaningless policy of power sharing. The rift was not just on political
level, but also on
cultural and church level.
The rift and the diminishing support for Mr Botha could be seen in the fact
that only 15 to 20 thousand people attended the NP organised 150-year
commemoration of the
Great Trek, while more than 60 thousand people showed up at the nearby
festivities
organised by the so-called rightwing. The numbers were found in the
newspapers which supported
Mr Botha and his government.
Would the impoverished Boere-Afrikaner ever forget that he had his office
fixed up at a cost of R3,3 million and his Tuynhuis residence for R6
million? Would they ever
forget that he had a plain built in front of his office at a cost of R10
million for bigger
ceremonial parades?
People can surely not have forgotten how he manipulated the Afrikaans press
to not give any publicity to his opponents, the HNP and the CP - something
they are still
doing today.
Thousands of men and families still remember the loss of many of our young
men on the border, fighting for an ideologically which Botha had already
given up at
that time.
There are pleas coming from Boere-Afrikaners that people who are thinking of
sending money to this man, should rather give their money to a more
worthwhile
cause, such as our own structures in the form of CVO schools, volkseie sport
and volkseie
health services. Why give money to a man who sell and buy houses worth
millions of rands? A man
who received 6-number gratifications and pensions when he stepped down as
minister and as
state president.
Al die P.W. Ondersteuners,
Lees bietjie hier.
Dis so goed jy vra my as oud soldaat om weer onder kontant Viljoen oorlog
toe te gaan.
Sal mos nooit weer nie, `n Boer of soldaat stamp sy kop mos net eenkeer.
Boere Groete
Frikkie
Ps. Maak eerder geld bymekaar om Eugene De Kock en al die regse Politieke
gevangenisse uit die tronke te kry as om saam met die verraaiers op die
Mandella Soustryn te klim.
The support for Mr PW Botha now coming from Afrikaners - also conservative
Boere-Afrikaners - should not be seen as support for any of his actions
besides
his resistence to the so-called Truth and Reconcilliation Commission.
Boere-Afrikaners are asking many questions about the recent calls for
financial support for Mr Botha's legal costs. They are not forgetting the
history surrounding the
so-called Information scandal a few decades ago. A piece of history about
which few
people have ever heard the truth, and most did not realise that the scandal
was not the one
presented publicly by the Erasmus Commission. The real scandal was of far
greater scale and on
a different level.
Boere-Afrikaners remember very clearly that the former minister of
Information, Dr Connie Mulder had to use his whole gratification (pension)
to try and defend his
honour. Mr Botha was the one seeing to it that he received no legal aid from
the state, even
though he was accused of actions carried out in the course of his duty.
Boere-Afrikaners also remember that the scapegoat of the affair, Dr Eschel
Rhoodie (the only one to ever appear in a court of law about the matter) had
to use his
own R100 000 to defend himself. He was found, not guilty, but he never got a
cent back from
the state.
Boere-Afrikaners also ask the question if Mr Botha did not perhaps use the
information scandal to get rid of his political opponents, and if the
history of Mr
Botha is not perhaps the history of a man who carried out South Africa's
first political coup to get
to the top.
At that time Dr Connie Mulder was the National Party's favourite to follow
up Mr John Vorster.
Suddenly there was the Erasmus Commission who at first said Dr Mulder had
done nothing wrong, but then through a clever piece of manipulation, blamed
everything on
him. He was chased into the dog box and Mr Botha rose to the throne on
September 28,
1978. Before the end of that year Mr John Vorster also became a political
victim and he was
forced to step down.
Vorster was so embittered that he refused a visit from PW Botha in hospital,
even though he knew he was dying. Vorster forbade the whole cabinet, except
Mr Lapa Munnik
to attend his funeral and he also refused a state burial. His wishes were
ignored and mr
PW Botha ordered a huge state funeral which was attended by the whole
cabinet, him
included.
What was the scandal of the Information scandal? That state money was being
used to improve South Africa's image overseas? Was that not a necessity? How
could
only Dr Mulder, Dr Rhoodie and general Lang Hendrik van den Berg have known
about
the secret projects?
For years, the money used for these projects came out of an account run by
Mr Botha's Department of Defence. Who ever believed that declaration by the
then
Minister of Finance, Dr Owen Horwood that he signed the cheques, but held
his hand over it, so as
not to see where the money was going?
Boere-Afrikaners refuse to forget that Mr Botha was the man who let seperate
development fail, even before he had an alternative, such as his catch
phrase of later
years, namely healthy power sharing. He was the one bestowing draconic
powers upon the
post of state president, paving the way for FW de Klerk's capitulation.
In the eyes of Boere-Afrikaners, he stands guilty of witholding the right to
an election from white voters of South Africa. Botha rejected the belief by
common South
Africans that fundamental changes to the political and economical system
should be tested
through voting. With his interpretation of the new Constitution of 1983 and
the
results of the 1987 election, he took up the mandate to do whatever he found
to be best.
In the eyes of Boere-Afrikaners he caused the largest ever rift in the
Afrikaner community by throwing seperate development out of the window and
accepting the
meaningless policy of power sharing. The rift was not just on political
level, but also on
cultural and church level.
The rift and the diminishing support for Mr Botha could be seen in the fact
that only 15 to 20 thousand people attended the NP organised 150-year
commemoration of the
Great Trek, while more than 60 thousand people showed up at the nearby
festivities
organised by the so-called rightwing. The numbers were found in the
newspapers which supported
Mr Botha and his government.
Would the impoverished Boere-Afrikaner ever forget that he had his office
fixed up at a cost of R3,3 million and his Tuynhuis residence for R6
million? Would they ever
forget that he had a plain built in front of his office at a cost of R10
million for bigger
ceremonial parades?
People can surely not have forgotten how he manipulated the Afrikaans press
to not give any publicity to his opponents, the HNP and the CP - something
they are still
doing today.
Thousands of men and families still remember the loss of many of our young
men on the border, fighting for an ideologically which Botha had already
given up at
that time.
There are pleas coming from Boere-Afrikaners that people who are thinking of
sending money to this man, should rather give their money to a more
worthwhile
cause, such as our own structures in the form of CVO schools, volkseie sport
and volkseie
health services. Why give money to a man who sell and buy houses worth
millions of rands? A man
who received 6-number gratifications and pensions when he stepped down as
minister and as
state president.
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