| P. W. Botha ondersteuners [boodskap #13964] |
Wo, 22 April 1998 00:00 |
Frikkie
Boodskappe: 15
Geregistreer: Desember 1997
Karma: 0
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Junior Lid |
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Al die P.W. Ondersteuners,
Lees bietjie hier.
Dis so goed jy vra my as oud soldaat om weer onder kontant Viljoen oorlog
toe te gaan.
Sal mos nooit weer nie, `n Boer of soldaat stamp sy kop mos net eenkeer.
Boere Groete
Frikkie
Ps. Maak eerder geld bymekaar om Eugene De Kock en al die regse Politieke
gevangenisse uit die tronke te kry as om saam met die verraaiers op die
Mandella Soustryn te klim.
The support for Mr PW Botha now coming from Afrikaners - also conservative
Boere-Afrikaners - should not be seen as support for any of his actions
besides
his resistence to the so-called Truth and Reconcilliation Commission.
Boere-Afrikaners are asking many questions about the recent calls for
financial support for Mr Botha's legal costs. They are not forgetting the
history surrounding the
so-called Information scandal a few decades ago. A piece of history about
which few
people have ever heard the truth, and most did not realise that the scandal
was not the one
presented publicly by the Erasmus Commission. The real scandal was of far
greater scale and on
a different level.
Boere-Afrikaners remember very clearly that the former minister of
Information, Dr Connie Mulder had to use his whole gratification (pension)
to try and defend his
honour. Mr Botha was the one seeing to it that he received no legal aid from
the state, even
though he was accused of actions carried out in the course of his duty.
Boere-Afrikaners also remember that the scapegoat of the affair, Dr Eschel
Rhoodie (the only one to ever appear in a court of law about the matter) had
to use his
own R100 000 to defend himself. He was found, not guilty, but he never got a
cent back from
the state.
Boere-Afrikaners also ask the question if Mr Botha did not perhaps use the
information scandal to get rid of his political opponents, and if the
history of Mr
Botha is not perhaps the history of a man who carried out South Africa's
first political coup to get
to the top.
At that time Dr Connie Mulder was the National Party's favourite to follow
up Mr John Vorster.
Suddenly there was the Erasmus Commission who at first said Dr Mulder had
done nothing wrong, but then through a clever piece of manipulation, blamed
everything on
him. He was chased into the dog box and Mr Botha rose to the throne on
September 28,
1978. Before the end of that year Mr John Vorster also became a political
victim and he was
forced to step down.
Vorster was so embittered that he refused a visit from PW Botha in hospital,
even though he knew he was dying. Vorster forbade the whole cabinet, except
Mr Lapa Munnik
to attend his funeral and he also refused a state burial. His wishes were
ignored and mr
PW Botha ordered a huge state funeral which was attended by the whole
cabinet, him
included.
What was the scandal of the Information scandal? That state money was being
used to improve South Africa's image overseas? Was that not a necessity? How
could
only Dr Mulder, Dr Rhoodie and general Lang Hendrik van den Berg have known
about
the secret projects?
For years, the money used for these projects came out of an account run by
Mr Botha's Department of Defence. Who ever believed that declaration by the
then
Minister of Finance, Dr Owen Horwood that he signed the cheques, but held
his hand over it, so as
not to see where the money was going?
Boere-Afrikaners refuse to forget that Mr Botha was the man who let seperate
development fail, even before he had an alternative, such as his catch
phrase of later
years, namely healthy power sharing. He was the one bestowing draconic
powers upon the
post of state president, paving the way for FW de Klerk's capitulation.
In the eyes of Boere-Afrikaners, he stands guilty of witholding the right to
an election from white voters of South Africa. Botha rejected the belief by
common South
Africans that fundamental changes to the political and economical system
should be tested
through voting. With his interpretation of the new Constitution of 1983 and
the
results of the 1987 election, he took up the mandate to do whatever he found
to be best.
In the eyes of Boere-Afrikaners he caused the largest ever rift in the
Afrikaner community by throwing seperate development out of the window and
accepting the
meaningless policy of power sharing. The rift was not just on political
level, but also on
cultural and church level.
The rift and the diminishing support for Mr Botha could be seen in the fact
that only 15 to 20 thousand people attended the NP organised 150-year
commemoration of the
Great Trek, while more than 60 thousand people showed up at the nearby
festivities
organised by the so-called rightwing. The numbers were found in the
newspapers which supported
Mr Botha and his government.
Would the impoverished Boere-Afrikaner ever forget that he had his office
fixed up at a cost of R3,3 million and his Tuynhuis residence for R6
million? Would they ever
forget that he had a plain built in front of his office at a cost of R10
million for bigger
ceremonial parades?
People can surely not have forgotten how he manipulated the Afrikaans press
to not give any publicity to his opponents, the HNP and the CP - something
they are still
doing today.
Thousands of men and families still remember the loss of many of our young
men on the border, fighting for an ideologically which Botha had already
given up at
that time.
There are pleas coming from Boere-Afrikaners that people who are thinking of
sending money to this man, should rather give their money to a more
worthwhile
cause, such as our own structures in the form of CVO schools, volkseie sport
and volkseie
health services. Why give money to a man who sell and buy houses worth
millions of rands? A man
who received 6-number gratifications and pensions when he stepped down as
minister and as
state president.
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