Wouter Business Day dra vandag 'n artikel van Roodt. (Hulle betaal hom om dit te skryf) Dis nou na aanleiding van 'n versoek om sulke artikels hier te plaas; dis 'n Engelse koerant wat nie in die Naspersstal is nie, Ferdi. En ek plaas dit volledig, alhoewel uittreksels baie makliker sou gelees het. Ek stem nie met sy lang redenasie oor bv Milnerisme saam nie, en ek dink sy aanhalings oor Hertzog, ens. is nie baie relevant nie. Maar ek is dit met hom eens waar hy sê : "Afrikaans newspapers in the Naspers group have been almost hysterical in condemnation of the Groep van 63. Many people agreeing with the contents of the letter fell silent, out of fear that they too might be tainted as potential terrorist sympathisers." Maar dis natuurlik nie intimidasie nie, daarvoor moet 'n mens opgesluit word. Né, Gloudina. Old split over Afrikaner identity fuels new terror Nov 28 2002 Dan Roodt ------------------------------------------------------------ --------------- ----- SA's social rifts peculiarly its own, rather than mirroring those of rest of continent ON THE face of it, SA is a peaceful country enjoying a healthy, if modest, rate of economic growth. Under the surface, however, a major rift may be brewing over language and identity issues that have plunged other countries into civil wars. Recently there has been much speculation about a potential right wing threat, linked to the Soweto bomb blasts of October 30. When the Groep van 63, a group of academics and authors campaigning for Afrikaner cultural rights, handed a letter to President Thabo Mbeki, suggesting the bombings might be a symptom of "Afrikaner alienation" within the new SA, it caused a huge reaction. One newspaper with a mainly black readership called it "a threat from the right", while two notably left-wing weeklies published viciously anti-Afrikaans cartoons likening Boers to dinosaurs and suggesting the Groep was a front for the underground Boeremag, some of whose members languish in jail, awaiting trial on charges of treason. The fact that the group of academics explicitly condemned the violence and loss of life in Soweto was held to be of no consequence. Afrikaans newspapers in the Naspers group have been almost hysterical in condemnation of the Groep van 63. Many people agreeing with the contents of the letter fell silent, out of fear that they too might be tainted as potential terrorist sympathisers. Is there a danger that SA might disintegrate into ethnic strife like so many other countries? Its location in sub-Saharan Africa where most countries have experienced at least one civil war, genocide or coup, certainly does not help. Despite glib assumptions about SA being an African country, however, it needs to be understood in terms of its own history, rather than that of its troubled continent. As Koos Malan, a prominent Groep van 63 member, once told me: "Hertzog avenged himself on Lord Milner upon coming to power in 1924, but currently Milner is having his revenge from the grave." In fact, since 1994, SA has again embraced the Milnerist ideal of one undivided state, with one nation speaking one language, English. Over the past two years, Afrikanerdom has been in a state of effervescence. The Afrikaans media have been host to a vehement exchange of views over the future of Afrikaners in SA, including whether they have a future at all. Liberal historian Hermann Giliomee has described the performance of FW de Klerk and Roelf Meyer in the early 1990s as an "onoorwonne oorgawe" a surrender without defeat. Koos Malan's point about the Milner-Hertzog axis in SA history holds even under African National Congress (ANC) rule. Milner wanted to integrate Boer and Briton into a British SA, with a strongly English identity under the Union Jack in 1902. In 1924 Hertzog scuppered all of this, ended ambiguity on the official status of Afrikaans, and introduced a new flag and national anthem in 1928, familiar as Die Stem. Hertzog's slogan was "SA first", which was considered radically nationalist, causing an uproar at the time. Natal wanted to secede, and until the late 1950s SA had two national flags, the Union Jack as well as the orange, white and blue. For most of the 20th century, SA was ruled by Afrikaners who imposed Hertzog's vision, that of "sovereignty", one of his favourite words, denoting a strongly independent country, anticolonial and committed to indigenous symbols and culture, centred around the Afrikaans language. Hertzog wanted English-speakers to become Afrikaners too, but only succeeded halfway in that he cut the umbilical cord with Britain and gave them a local identity modelled on the Afrikaner one, but had no real effect on their attachment to their powerful language, the medium of business and global communication. Then the ANC won the lotto of history, jettisoned Marxism-Leninism, but under the influence of the English intellectual left who had remained implacably opposed to Hertzogism all along, decided to reimpose Milnerism, fortified by Samora Machel's slogan, "for the nation to be born, the tribe must die". What nation-building really means in SA, is the complete destruction of Afrikaans culture and the Afrikaner identity. Further echoing old imperial ideas, Mbeki has embraced Rhodes's Cape to Cairo philosophy, in which the national identity created under Hertzog will be dissolved into the greater empire of the African Union. To the dismay of Afrikanerdom, an intellectual from Natal, himself a member of an ethnic minority, but thoroughly anglicised and inculcated with the universalist spirit of Milnerism, Education Minister Kader Asmal has been given power of life and death over Afrikaans culture. No one is more hated today by Afrikaners than Asmal, who has patiently set about undermining the ultimate repository of Afrikaner identity their education system. In the past weeks, Stellenbosch University has been at the centre of an acrimonious clash over language policy, but so has every other Afrikaans university. Once at the centre of South African identity, Afrikaners now find themselves on the scrapheap, and prone to the same old identity crisis that used to haunt them throughout the 19th century under British rule, and which was only resolved by the suffering of the Anglo-Boer war. It is hard to tell what right-wing terrorist groups think, if they think at all. But the current sense of crisis among Afrikaners, compounded by crime, farm murders, affirmative action and Asmal's anglicisation policies, provides an ideal environment for recruitment to extremist groups, whether left or right. When Asmal threatened to impose English on the remaining Afrikaans universities, especially in medicine and engineering, 27 Afrikaner organisations protested en bloc, ranging from the politically correct Afrikanerbond (formerBroederbond) which supports Milnerist "nation-building" to the ProAfrikaanse Aksiegroep, which would like to see cultural autonomy for Afrikaans-speakers. In the past few years, apart from a few kaftans and African proper names, SA has evolved into a state about as indigenous as Coke, without the brandy. As the country finds itself forcemarched towards a neo-Milnerist, "inclusive" identity, held together by the weak glue of English, which is understood by less than half of her population, tensions will arise that may ultimately prove more divisive than apartheid. After all, unlike the Isrealis and the Palestinians, we've never really hated each other. In the overreaction to the Groep van 63's letter to Mbeki, I thought I saw real hatred for the first time. It hardly augurs well for the future. Roodt, a former Head of Derivatives at Citibank, is the author of a book on the Truth Commission, Om die Waarheidskommissie te Vergeet, and leader of the Pro-Afrikaanse Aksiegroep (Praag).
Wouter ek kan verstaan waarom hierdie Groep van 63 gevrees word - en natuurlik vandaar die verdagmakery. Is dit nie tragies dat die Afrikaanse pers nog nie die intellektuele volwassenheid van die Engelse media bereik het om gedagtewisseling in die verband te bevorder nie? Is hulle bloot papbroeke? (Ek dink dat laasgenoemde beskrywing hul besonders goed geval.) "Wouter Plaasvark" skryf in boodskap news:3de5fd1e.0@news1.mweb.co.za... > Wouter > Business Day dra vandag 'n artikel van Roodt. > (Hulle betaal hom om dit te skryf) > Dis nou na aanleiding van 'n versoek om sulke artikels hier te plaas; > dis 'n Engelse koerant wat nie in die Naspersstal is nie, Ferdi. > En ek plaas dit volledig, alhoewel uittreksels baie makliker > sou gelees het. > > Ek stem nie met sy lang redenasie oor bv Milnerisme saam nie, > en ek dink sy aanhalings oor Hertzog, ens. is nie baie relevant nie. > > Maar ek is dit met hom eens waar hy sê : > "Afrikaans newspapers in the Naspers group have been almost > hysterical in condemnation of the Groep van 63. Many people > agreeing with the contents of the letter fell silent, out of fear that > they too might be tainted as potential terrorist sympathisers." > > Maar dis natuurlik nie intimidasie nie, daarvoor moet 'n mens > opgesluit word. Né, Gloudina. > > > Old split over Afrikaner identity fuels new terror > Nov 28 2002 > Dan Roodt > ------------------------------------------------------------ -------------- - > ----- > SA's social rifts peculiarly its own, rather than mirroring those of rest > of continent > > ON THE face of it, SA is a peaceful country enjoying a healthy, if modest, > rate of economic growth. Under the surface, however, a major rift may be > brewing over language and identity issues that have plunged other countries > into civil wars. > > Recently there has been much speculation about a potential right wing > threat, linked to the Soweto bomb blasts of October 30. > > When the Groep van 63, a group of academics and authors campaigning for > Afrikaner cultural rights, handed a letter to President Thabo Mbeki, > suggesting the bombings might be a symptom of "Afrikaner alienation" within > the new SA, it caused a huge reaction. > > One newspaper with a mainly black readership called it "a threat from the > right", while two notably left-wing weeklies published viciously > anti-Afrikaans cartoons likening Boers to dinosaurs and suggesting the > Groep was a front for the underground Boeremag, some of whose members > languish in jail, awaiting trial on charges of treason. > > The fact that the group of academics explicitly condemned the violence and > loss of life in Soweto was held to be of no consequence. > > Afrikaans newspapers in the Naspers group have been almost hysterical in > condemnation of the Groep van 63. Many people agreeing with the contents of > the letter fell silent, out of fear that they too might be tainted as > potential terrorist sympathisers. > > Is there a danger that SA might disintegrate into ethnic strife like so > many other countries? Its location in sub-Saharan Africa where most > countries have experienced at least one civil war, genocide or coup, > certainly does not help. > > Despite glib assumptions about SA being an African country, however, it > needs to be understood in terms of its own history, rather than that of its > troubled continent. > > As Koos Malan, a prominent Groep van 63 member, once told me: "Hertzog > avenged himself on Lord Milner upon coming to power in 1924, but currently > Milner is having his revenge from the grave." In fact, since 1994, SA has > again embraced the Milnerist ideal of one undivided state, with one nation > speaking one language, English. > > Over the past two years, Afrikanerdom has been in a state of effervescence. > The Afrikaans media have been host to a vehement exchange of views over the > future of Afrikaners in SA, including whether they have a future at all. > Liberal historian Hermann Giliomee has described the performance of FW de > Klerk and Roelf Meyer in the early 1990s as an "onoorwonne oorgawe" a > surrender without defeat. > > Koos Malan's point about the Milner-Hertzog axis in SA history holds even > under African National Congress (ANC) rule. Milner wanted to integrate Boer > and Briton into a British SA, with a strongly English identity under the > Union Jack in 1902. In 1924 Hertzog scuppered all of this, ended ambiguity > on the official status of Afrikaans, and introduced a new flag and national > anthem in 1928, familiar as Die Stem. > > Hertzog's slogan was "SA first", which was considered radically > nationalist, causing an uproar at the time. Natal wanted to secede, and > until the late 1950s SA had two national flags, the Union Jack as well as > the orange, white and blue. > > For most of the 20th century, SA was ruled by Afrikaners who imposed > Hertzog's vision, that of "sovereignty", one of his favourite words, > denoting a strongly independent country, anticolonial and committed to > indigenous symbols and culture, centred around the Afrikaans language. > Hertzog wanted English-speakers to become Afrikaners too, but only > succeeded halfway in that he cut the umbilical cord with Britain and gave > them a local identity modelled on the Afrikaner one, but had no real effect > on their attachment to their powerful language, the medium of business and > global communication. > > Then the ANC won the lotto of history, jettisoned Marxism-Leninism, but > under the influence of the English intellectual left who had remained > implacably opposed to Hertzogism all along, decided to reimpose Milnerism, > fortified by Samora Machel's slogan, "for the nation to be born, the tribe > must die". What nation-building really means in SA, is the complete > destruction of Afrikaans culture and the Afrikaner identity. > > Further echoing old imperial ideas, Mbeki has embraced Rhodes's Cape to > Cairo philosophy, in which the national identity created under Hertzog will > be dissolved into the greater empire of the African Union. > > To the dismay of Afrikanerdom, an intellectual from Natal, himself a member > of an ethnic minority, but thoroughly anglicised and inculcated with the > universalist spirit of Milnerism, Education Minister Kader Asmal has been > given power of life and death over Afrikaans culture. No one is more hated > today by Afrikaners than Asmal, who has patiently set about undermining the > ultimate repository of Afrikaner identity their education system. > > In the past weeks, Stellenbosch University has been at the centre of an > acrimonious clash over language policy, but so has every other Afrikaans > university. Once at the centre of South African identity, Afrikaners now > find themselves on the scrapheap, and prone to the same old identity crisis > that used to haunt them throughout the 19th century under British rule, and > which was only resolved by the suffering of the Anglo-Boer war. > > It is hard to tell what right-wing terrorist groups think, if they think at > all. But the current sense of crisis among Afrikaners, compounded by crime, > farm murders, affirmative action and Asmal's anglicisation policies, > provides an ideal environment for recruitment to extremist groups, whether > left or right. > > When Asmal threatened to impose English on the remaining Afrikaans > universities, especially in medicine and engineering, 27 Afrikaner > organisations protested en bloc, ranging from the politically correct > Afrikanerbond (formerBroederbond) which supports Milnerist > "nation-building" to the ProAfrikaanse Aksiegroep, which would like to see > cultural autonomy for Afrikaans-speakers. > > In the past few years, apart from a few kaftans and African proper names, > SA has evolved into a state about as indigenous as Coke, without the > brandy. > > As the country finds itself forcemarched towards a neo-Milnerist, > "inclusive" identity, held together by the weak glue of English, which is > understood by less than half of her population, tensions will arise that > may ultimately prove more divisive than apartheid. After all, unlike the > Isrealis and the Palestinians, we've never really hated each other. > > In the overreaction to the Groep van 63's letter to Mbeki, I thought I saw > real hatred for the first time. It hardly augurs well for the future. > > Roodt, a former Head of Derivatives at Citibank, is the author of a book on > the Truth Commission, Om die Waarheidskommissie te Vergeet, and leader of > the Pro-Afrikaanse Aksiegroep (Praag). >
Wel, dis algemene kennis dat vandag se jong joernaliste - wat hoofsaaklik by koerante werk - geen agtergrondkennis, wye algemene kennis of diepliggende ondersoek kennis het soos ons joernaliste van ouds nie. Dis mos baie makliker om 'n berig van iemand anders of van Reuters oor te neem en na te praat. Dis nie hulle werk om 'n eie mening te vorm of om self net te noem wat hulle van die saak dink nie. Alles goed en wel , maar ongelukkig word sekere stories soms geplooi om meer koerante te verkoop - ten koste van koue feite en menings van kundiges. Annette "Jonas" skryf in boodskap news:3de609ec$0$225@hades.is.co.za... > Wouter ek kan verstaan waarom hierdie Groep van 63 gevrees word - en > natuurlik vandaar die verdagmakery. > Is dit nie tragies dat die Afrikaanse pers nog nie die intellektuele > volwassenheid van die Engelse media bereik het om gedagtewisseling in die > verband te bevorder nie? Is hulle bloot papbroeke? (Ek dink dat laasgenoemde > beskrywing hul besonders goed geval.) > > "Wouter Plaasvark" wrote in message > news:3de5fd1e.0@news1.mweb.co.za... >> Wouter >> Business Day dra vandag 'n artikel van Roodt. >> (Hulle betaal hom om dit te skryf) >> Dis nou na aanleiding van 'n versoek om sulke artikels hier te plaas; >> dis 'n Engelse koerant wat nie in die Naspersstal is nie, Ferdi. >> En ek plaas dit volledig, alhoewel uittreksels baie makliker >> sou gelees het. >> >> Ek stem nie met sy lang redenasie oor bv Milnerisme saam nie, >> en ek dink sy aanhalings oor Hertzog, ens. is nie baie relevant nie. >> >> Maar ek is dit met hom eens waar hy sê : >> "Afrikaans newspapers in the Naspers group have been almost >> hysterical in condemnation of the Groep van 63. Many people >> agreeing with the contents of the letter fell silent, out of fear that >> they too might be tainted as potential terrorist sympathisers." >> >> Maar dis natuurlik nie intimidasie nie, daarvoor moet 'n mens >> opgesluit word. Né, Gloudina. >> >> >> Old split over Afrikaner identity fuels new terror >> Nov 28 2002 >> Dan Roodt > > ------------------------------------------------------------ -------------- > - >> ----- >> SA's social rifts peculiarly its own, rather than mirroring those of rest >> of continent >> >> ON THE face of it, SA is a peaceful country enjoying a healthy, if modest, >> rate of economic growth. Under the surface, however, a major rift may be >> brewing over language and identity issues that have plunged other countries >> into civil wars. >> >> Recently there has been much speculation about a potential right wing >> threat, linked to the Soweto bomb blasts of October 30. >> >> When the Groep van 63, a group of academics and authors campaigning for >> Afrikaner cultural rights, handed a letter to President Thabo Mbeki, >> suggesting the bombings might be a symptom of "Afrikaner alienation" within >> the new SA, it caused a huge reaction. >> >> One newspaper with a mainly black readership called it "a threat from the >> right", while two notably left-wing weeklies published viciously >> anti-Afrikaans cartoons likening Boers to dinosaurs and suggesting the >> Groep was a front for the underground Boeremag, some of whose members >> languish in jail, awaiting trial on charges of treason. >> >> The fact that the group of academics explicitly condemned the violence and >> loss of life in Soweto was held to be of no consequence. >> >> Afrikaans newspapers in the Naspers group have been almost hysterical in >> condemnation of the Groep van 63. Many people agreeing with the contents of >> the letter fell silent, out of fear that they too might be tainted as >> potential terrorist sympathisers. >> >> Is there a danger that SA might disintegrate into ethnic strife like so >> many other countries? Its location in sub-Saharan Africa where most >> countries have experienced at least one civil war, genocide or coup, >> certainly does not help. >> >> Despite glib assumptions about SA being an African country, however, it >> needs to be understood in terms of its own history, rather than that of its >> troubled continent. >> >> As Koos Malan, a prominent Groep van 63 member, once told me: "Hertzog >> avenged himself on Lord Milner upon coming to power in 1924, but currently >> Milner is having his revenge from the grave." In fact, since 1994, SA has >> again embraced the Milnerist ideal of one undivided state, with one nation >> speaking one language, English. >> >> Over the past two years, Afrikanerdom has been in a state of effervescence. >> The Afrikaans media have been host to a vehement exchange of views over the >> future of Afrikaners in SA, including whether they have a future at all. >> Liberal historian Hermann Giliomee has described the performance of FW de >> Klerk and Roelf Meyer in the early 1990s as an "onoorwonne oorgawe" a >> surrender without defeat. >> >> Koos Malan's point about the Milner-Hertzog axis in SA history holds even >> under African National Congress (ANC) rule. Milner wanted to integrate Boer >> and Briton into a British SA, with a strongly English identity under the >> Union Jack in 1902. In 1924 Hertzog scuppered all of this, ended ambiguity >> on the official status of Afrikaans, and introduced a new flag and national >> anthem in 1928, familiar as Die Stem. >> >> Hertzog's slogan was "SA first", which was considered radically >> nationalist, causing an uproar at the time. Natal wanted to secede, and >> until the late 1950s SA had two national flags, the Union Jack as well as >> the orange, white and blue. >> >> For most of the 20th century, SA was ruled by Afrikaners who imposed >> Hertzog's vision, that of "sovereignty", one of his favourite words, >> denoting a strongly independent country, anticolonial and committed to >> indigenous symbols and culture, centred around the Afrikaans language. >> Hertzog wanted English-speakers to become Afrikaners too, but only >> succeeded halfway in that he cut the umbilical cord with Britain and gave >> them a local identity modelled on the Afrikaner one, but had no real effect >> on their attachment to their powerful language, the medium of business and >> global communication. >> >> Then the ANC won the lotto of history, jettisoned Marxism-Leninism, but >> under the influence of the English intellectual left who had remained >> implacably opposed to Hertzogism all along, decided to reimpose Milnerism, >> fortified by Samora Machel's slogan, "for the nation to be born, the tribe >> must die". What nation-building really means in SA, is the complete >> destruction of Afrikaans culture and the Afrikaner identity. >> >> Further echoing old imperial ideas, Mbeki has embraced Rhodes's Cape to >> Cairo philosophy, in which the national identity created under Hertzog will >> be dissolved into the greater empire of the African Union. >> >> To the dismay of Afrikanerdom, an intellectual from Natal, himself a member >> of an ethnic minority, but thoroughly anglicised and inculcated with the >> universalist spirit of Milnerism, Education Minister Kader Asmal has been >> given power of life and death over Afrikaans culture. No one is more hated >> today by Afrikaners than Asmal, who has patiently set about undermining the >> ultimate repository of Afrikaner identity their education system. >> >> In the past weeks, Stellenbosch University has been at the centre of an >> acrimonious clash over language policy, but so has every other Afrikaans >> university. Once at the centre of South African identity, Afrikaners now >> find themselves on the scrapheap, and prone to the same old identity crisis >> that used to haunt them throughout the 19th century under British rule, and >> which was only resolved by the suffering of the Anglo-Boer war. >> >> It is hard to tell what right-wing terrorist groups think, if they think at >> all. But the current sense of crisis among Afrikaners, compounded by crime, >> farm murders, affirmative action and Asmal's anglicisation policies, >> provides an ideal environment for recruitment to extremist groups, whether >> left or right. >> >> When Asmal threatened to impose English on the remaining Afrikaans >> universities, especially in medicine and engineering, 27 Afrikaner >> organisations protested en bloc, ranging from the politically correct >> Afrikanerbond (formerBroederbond) which supports Milnerist >> "nation-building" to the ProAfrikaanse Aksiegroep, which would like to see >> cultural autonomy for Afrikaans-speakers. >> >> In the past few years, apart from a few kaftans and African proper names, >> SA has evolved into a state about as indigenous as Coke, without the >> brandy. >> >> As the country finds itself forcemarched towards a neo-Milnerist, >> "inclusive" identity, held together by the weak glue of English, which is >> understood by less than half of her population, tensions will arise that >> may ultimately prove more divisive than apartheid. After all, unlike the >> Isrealis and the Palestinians, we've never really hated each other. >> >> In the overreaction to the Groep van 63's letter to Mbeki, I thought I saw >> real hatred for the first time. It hardly augurs well for the future. >> >> Roodt, a former Head of Derivatives at Citibank, is the author of a book on >> the Truth Commission, Om die Waarheidskommissie te Vergeet, and leader of >> the Pro-Afrikaanse Aksiegroep (Praag). >> >
Waar is die goeie ou dae van regeringskoerante, sapkoerante en regse koerante? Vir my gaan dit daaroor dat 'n koerant die gebeure en feite vir ons moet gee , dis al. Niks met regering en politiek van die dag te doen nie. Maar ek weet dit bestaan net in Utopia. Annette "Wouter Plaasvark" skryf in boodskap news:3de62433.0@news1.mweb.co.za... > Ek dink daar is 'n belangriker faktor en dit is dat dit nie goeie > besigheid vir 'n koerant is om erg anti-regering te wees nie. > Veral nie vir so 'n groot groep soos NasPers nie. Maar dit > geld net so vir TML, daar is niks Afrikaans daaraan nie.. > > Wouter > > > Annette wrote in message > news:as560p$nngjv$3@ID-92016.news.dfncis.de... > Wel, dis algemene kennis dat vandag se jong joernaliste - wat hoofsaaklik > by > koerante werk - geen agtergrondkennis, wye algemene kennis of diepliggende > ondersoek kennis het soos ons joernaliste van ouds nie. > Dis mos baie makliker om 'n berig van iemand anders of van Reuters oor te > neem en na te praat. Dis nie hulle werk om 'n eie mening te vorm of om self > net te noem wat hulle van die saak dink nie. > Alles goed en wel , maar ongelukkig word sekere stories soms geplooi om > meer > koerante te verkoop - ten koste van koue feite en menings van kundiges. > Annette > > > "Jonas" wrote in message > news:3de609ec$0$225@hades.is.co.za... >> Wouter ek kan verstaan waarom hierdie Groep van 63 gevrees word - en >> natuurlik vandaar die verdagmakery. >> Is dit nie tragies dat die Afrikaanse pers nog nie die intellektuele >> volwassenheid van die Engelse media bereik het om gedagtewisseling in die >> verband te bevorder nie? Is hulle bloot papbroeke? (Ek dink dat > laasgenoemde >> beskrywing hul besonders goed geval.) >> >> "Wouter Plaasvark" wrote in message >> news:3de5fd1e.0@news1.mweb.co.za... >>> Wouter >>> Business Day dra vandag 'n artikel van Roodt. >>> (Hulle betaal hom om dit te skryf) >>> Dis nou na aanleiding van 'n versoek om sulke artikels hier te plaas; >>> dis 'n Engelse koerant wat nie in die Naspersstal is nie, Ferdi. >>> En ek plaas dit volledig, alhoewel uittreksels baie makliker >>> sou gelees het. >>> >>> Ek stem nie met sy lang redenasie oor bv Milnerisme saam nie, >>> en ek dink sy aanhalings oor Hertzog, ens. is nie baie relevant nie. >>> >>> Maar ek is dit met hom eens waar hy sê : >>> "Afrikaans newspapers in the Naspers group have been almost >>> hysterical in condemnation of the Groep van 63. Many people >>> agreeing with the contents of the letter fell silent, out of fear that >>> they too might be tainted as potential terrorist sympathisers." >>> >>> Maar dis natuurlik nie intimidasie nie, daarvoor moet 'n mens >>> opgesluit word. Né, Gloudina. >
Ek dink daar is 'n belangriker faktor en dit is dat dit nie goeie besigheid vir 'n koerant is om erg anti-regering te wees nie. Veral nie vir so 'n groot groep soos NasPers nie. Maar dit geld net so vir TML, daar is niks Afrikaans daaraan nie.. Wouter Annette skryf in boodskap news:as560p$nngjv$3@ID-92016.news.dfncis.de... Wel, dis algemene kennis dat vandag se jong joernaliste - wat hoofsaaklik by koerante werk - geen agtergrondkennis, wye algemene kennis of diepliggende ondersoek kennis het soos ons joernaliste van ouds nie. Dis mos baie makliker om 'n berig van iemand anders of van Reuters oor te neem en na te praat. Dis nie hulle werk om 'n eie mening te vorm of om self net te noem wat hulle van die saak dink nie. Alles goed en wel , maar ongelukkig word sekere stories soms geplooi om meer koerante te verkoop - ten koste van koue feite en menings van kundiges. Annette "Jonas" skryf in boodskap news:3de609ec$0$225@hades.is.co.za... > Wouter ek kan verstaan waarom hierdie Groep van 63 gevrees word - en > natuurlik vandaar die verdagmakery. > Is dit nie tragies dat die Afrikaanse pers nog nie die intellektuele > volwassenheid van die Engelse media bereik het om gedagtewisseling in die > verband te bevorder nie? Is hulle bloot papbroeke? (Ek dink dat laasgenoemde > beskrywing hul besonders goed geval.) > > "Wouter Plaasvark" wrote in message > news:3de5fd1e.0@news1.mweb.co.za... >> Wouter >> Business Day dra vandag 'n artikel van Roodt. >> (Hulle betaal hom om dit te skryf) >> Dis nou na aanleiding van 'n versoek om sulke artikels hier te plaas; >> dis 'n Engelse koerant wat nie in die Naspersstal is nie, Ferdi. >> En ek plaas dit volledig, alhoewel uittreksels baie makliker >> sou gelees het. >> >> Ek stem nie met sy lang redenasie oor bv Milnerisme saam nie, >> en ek dink sy aanhalings oor Hertzog, ens. is nie baie relevant nie. >> >> Maar ek is dit met hom eens waar hy sê : >> "Afrikaans newspapers in the Naspers group have been almost >> hysterical in condemnation of the Groep van 63. Many people >> agreeing with the contents of the letter fell silent, out of fear that >> they too might be tainted as potential terrorist sympathisers." >> >> Maar dis natuurlik nie intimidasie nie, daarvoor moet 'n mens >> opgesluit word. Né, Gloudina.
Oorspronklik gepos deur: @rogers.com Wouter Plaasvark wrote: > Ek stem nie met sy lang redenasie oor bv Milnerisme saam nie, > en ek dink sy aanhalings oor Hertzog, ens. is nie baie relevant nie. Ek vind weer sy "argument" oor Milnerisme baie interessant. Nie omdat dit miskien "waar" is nie, maar omdat Dan Roodt die energie wat daar in die voorgeslagte teen Milner was, wil inspan om mense hatig te maak op Asmal en sy "verengelsingsproses." So van ver af bekyk, wil die mense soos Roodt die energie van "Engels haat" inspan om ANC-beleid-haat aan te blaas. Wat so effentjies belaglik is, as mens aanneem dat seker 95% van die ANC nie Engels of selfs wit is nie. Enigiemand wat lank onder die nie-blankes van SA gewerk het in die ou dae toe meeste wittes die swartes net as bediendes geken het, weet egter dat hulle 'n diep respek het vir die voedende en "enabling" karakter van die Engelse taal in Afrika, ( In Indië is daar dieselfde verskynsel.) As die bevolking van SA, wat merendeels nie wit is nie, verkies om hierdie beleid te volg, dan kan die wittes maar op hulle kop staan, maar hulle loop teen 'n muur vas. Buitendien is ek nie so seker hoeveel wittes so vir die regte van Afrikaans as 'n dominante taal staan nie. In 1993 het 'n swaer van my (voorsitter van sy NP tak, waarvan Roelf Meyer lid was) die komende 11 offisiële-tale-beleid gekritiseer, en toe ek vir hom vra wat hy wil hê, toe sy hy net Engels as offisiële taal. (Hy het ons spesiaal na die besprekings-lokaal geneem om vir Roelf Meyer te ontmoet. Wat doen Roelf deesdae?) Gloudina
Roelf is geskei, getroud met 'n jong ander man se vrou, en is besig om samesprekings te reel oraloor. Ek dink nie hy praktiseer as regsgeleerde nie. Annette skryf in boodskap news:3DE63BC7.5050503@rogers.com... > > Wouter Plaasvark wrote: > > >> Ek stem nie met sy lang redenasie oor bv Milnerisme saam nie, >> en ek dink sy aanhalings oor Hertzog, ens. is nie baie relevant nie. > > Ek vind weer sy "argument" oor Milnerisme > baie interessant. Nie omdat dit miskien > "waar" is nie, maar omdat Dan Roodt die > energie wat daar in die voorgeslagte teen > Milner was, wil inspan om mense hatig te maak > op Asmal en sy "verengelsingsproses." > So van ver af bekyk, wil die mense soos > Roodt die energie van "Engels haat" inspan > om ANC-beleid-haat aan te blaas. > Wat so effentjies belaglik is, as mens > aanneem dat seker 95% van die ANC nie Engels > of selfs wit is nie. > Enigiemand wat lank onder die nie-blankes > van SA gewerk het in die ou dae toe meeste wittes > die swartes net as bediendes geken het, > weet egter dat hulle 'n diep respek het vir die > voedende en "enabling" karakter van die Engelse > taal in Afrika, ( In Indië is daar dieselfde > verskynsel.) As die bevolking van SA, wat merendeels > nie wit is nie, verkies om hierdie beleid te volg, > dan kan die wittes maar op hulle kop staan, maar > hulle loop teen 'n muur vas. > Buitendien is ek nie so seker hoeveel wittes > so vir die regte van Afrikaans as 'n dominante taal > staan nie. In 1993 het 'n swaer van my (voorsitter > van sy NP tak, waarvan Roelf Meyer lid was) die > komende 11 offisiële-tale-beleid gekritiseer, en > toe ek vir hom vra wat hy wil hê, toe sy hy net > Engels as offisiële taal. (Hy het ons spesiaal na > die besprekings-lokaal geneem om vir Roelf Meyer te > ontmoet. Wat doen Roelf deesdae?) > > Gloudina >
Antie - jy bevestig bloot wat ek vermoed het mbt jou houding jeens Afrikaans. Die ou kakiekombers wat nou weer vir die swart karros verruil word. Vergewis jou liefs met die persentasie mense (wit & swart & bruin) wat Afrikaans praat, en dan wonder jy waarom die ANC so 'n opsessie het met Engels. skryf in boodskap news:3DE63BC7.5050503@rogers.com... > > Wouter Plaasvark wrote: > > >> Ek stem nie met sy lang redenasie oor bv Milnerisme saam nie, >> en ek dink sy aanhalings oor Hertzog, ens. is nie baie relevant nie. > > Ek vind weer sy "argument" oor Milnerisme > baie interessant. Nie omdat dit miskien > "waar" is nie, maar omdat Dan Roodt die > energie wat daar in die voorgeslagte teen > Milner was, wil inspan om mense hatig te maak > op Asmal en sy "verengelsingsproses." > So van ver af bekyk, wil die mense soos > Roodt die energie van "Engels haat" inspan > om ANC-beleid-haat aan te blaas. > Wat so effentjies belaglik is, as mens > aanneem dat seker 95% van die ANC nie Engels > of selfs wit is nie. > Enigiemand wat lank onder die nie-blankes > van SA gewerk het in die ou dae toe meeste wittes > die swartes net as bediendes geken het, > weet egter dat hulle 'n diep respek het vir die > voedende en "enabling" karakter van die Engelse > taal in Afrika, ( In Indië is daar dieselfde > verskynsel.) As die bevolking van SA, wat merendeels > nie wit is nie, verkies om hierdie beleid te volg, > dan kan die wittes maar op hulle kop staan, maar > hulle loop teen 'n muur vas. > Buitendien is ek nie so seker hoeveel wittes > so vir die regte van Afrikaans as 'n dominante taal > staan nie. In 1993 het 'n swaer van my (voorsitter > van sy NP tak, waarvan Roelf Meyer lid was) die > komende 11 offisiële-tale-beleid gekritiseer, en > toe ek vir hom vra wat hy wil hê, toe sy hy net > Engels as offisiële taal. (Hy het ons spesiaal na > die besprekings-lokaal geneem om vir Roelf Meyer te > ontmoet. Wat doen Roelf deesdae?) > > Gloudina >
Ek dink Ferdi moet bietjie by Dan gaan kers opsteek, dalk sal mense sy goed dan ook lees "Wouter Plaasvark" skryf in boodskap news:3de5fd1e.0@news1.mweb.co.za... > Wouter > Business Day dra vandag 'n artikel van Roodt. > (Hulle betaal hom om dit te skryf) > Dis nou na aanleiding van 'n versoek om sulke artikels hier te plaas; > dis 'n Engelse koerant wat nie in die Naspersstal is nie, Ferdi. > En ek plaas dit volledig, alhoewel uittreksels baie makliker > sou gelees het. > > Ek stem nie met sy lang redenasie oor bv Milnerisme saam nie, > en ek dink sy aanhalings oor Hertzog, ens. is nie baie relevant nie. > > Maar ek is dit met hom eens waar hy sê : > "Afrikaans newspapers in the Naspers group have been almost > hysterical in condemnation of the Groep van 63. Many people > agreeing with the contents of the letter fell silent, out of fear that > they too might be tainted as potential terrorist sympathisers." > > Maar dis natuurlik nie intimidasie nie, daarvoor moet 'n mens > opgesluit word. Né, Gloudina. > > > Old split over Afrikaner identity fuels new terror > Nov 28 2002 > Dan Roodt > ------------------------------------------------------------ -------------- - > ----- > SA's social rifts peculiarly its own, rather than mirroring those of rest > of continent > > ON THE face of it, SA is a peaceful country enjoying a healthy, if modest, > rate of economic growth. Under the surface, however, a major rift may be > brewing over language and identity issues that have plunged other countries > into civil wars. > > Recently there has been much speculation about a potential right wing > threat, linked to the Soweto bomb blasts of October 30. > > When the Groep van 63, a group of academics and authors campaigning for > Afrikaner cultural rights, handed a letter to President Thabo Mbeki, > suggesting the bombings might be a symptom of "Afrikaner alienation" within > the new SA, it caused a huge reaction. > > One newspaper with a mainly black readership called it "a threat from the > right", while two notably left-wing weeklies published viciously > anti-Afrikaans cartoons likening Boers to dinosaurs and suggesting the > Groep was a front for the underground Boeremag, some of whose members > languish in jail, awaiting trial on charges of treason. > > The fact that the group of academics explicitly condemned the violence and > loss of life in Soweto was held to be of no consequence. > > Afrikaans newspapers in the Naspers group have been almost hysterical in > condemnation of the Groep van 63. Many people agreeing with the contents of > the letter fell silent, out of fear that they too might be tainted as > potential terrorist sympathisers. > > Is there a danger that SA might disintegrate into ethnic strife like so > many other countries? Its location in sub-Saharan Africa where most > countries have experienced at least one civil war, genocide or coup, > certainly does not help. > > Despite glib assumptions about SA being an African country, however, it > needs to be understood in terms of its own history, rather than that of its > troubled continent. > > As Koos Malan, a prominent Groep van 63 member, once told me: "Hertzog > avenged himself on Lord Milner upon coming to power in 1924, but currently > Milner is having his revenge from the grave." In fact, since 1994, SA has > again embraced the Milnerist ideal of one undivided state, with one nation > speaking one language, English. > > Over the past two years, Afrikanerdom has been in a state of effervescence. > The Afrikaans media have been host to a vehement exchange of views over the > future of Afrikaners in SA, including whether they have a future at all. > Liberal historian Hermann Giliomee has described the performance of FW de > Klerk and Roelf Meyer in the early 1990s as an "onoorwonne oorgawe" a > surrender without defeat. > > Koos Malan's point about the Milner-Hertzog axis in SA history holds even > under African National Congress (ANC) rule. Milner wanted to integrate Boer > and Briton into a British SA, with a strongly English identity under the > Union Jack in 1902. In 1924 Hertzog scuppered all of this, ended ambiguity > on the official status of Afrikaans, and introduced a new flag and national > anthem in 1928, familiar as Die Stem. > > Hertzog's slogan was "SA first", which was considered radically > nationalist, causing an uproar at the time. Natal wanted to secede, and > until the late 1950s SA had two national flags, the Union Jack as well as > the orange, white and blue. > > For most of the 20th century, SA was ruled by Afrikaners who imposed > Hertzog's vision, that of "sovereignty", one of his favourite words, > denoting a strongly independent country, anticolonial and committed to > indigenous symbols and culture, centred around the Afrikaans language. > Hertzog wanted English-speakers to become Afrikaners too, but only > succeeded halfway in that he cut the umbilical cord with Britain and gave > them a local identity modelled on the Afrikaner one, but had no real effect > on their attachment to their powerful language, the medium of business and > global communication. > > Then the ANC won the lotto of history, jettisoned Marxism-Leninism, but > under the influence of the English intellectual left who had remained > implacably opposed to Hertzogism all along, decided to reimpose Milnerism, > fortified by Samora Machel's slogan, "for the nation to be born, the tribe > must die". What nation-building really means in SA, is the complete > destruction of Afrikaans culture and the Afrikaner identity. > > Further echoing old imperial ideas, Mbeki has embraced Rhodes's Cape to > Cairo philosophy, in which the national identity created under Hertzog will > be dissolved into the greater empire of the African Union. > > To the dismay of Afrikanerdom, an intellectual from Natal, himself a member > of an ethnic minority, but thoroughly anglicised and inculcated with the > universalist spirit of Milnerism, Education Minister Kader Asmal has been > given power of life and death over Afrikaans culture. No one is more hated > today by Afrikaners than Asmal, who has patiently set about undermining the > ultimate repository of Afrikaner identity their education system. > > In the past weeks, Stellenbosch University has been at the centre of an > acrimonious clash over language policy, but so has every other Afrikaans > university. Once at the centre of South African identity, Afrikaners now > find themselves on the scrapheap, and prone to the same old identity crisis > that used to haunt them throughout the 19th century under British rule, and > which was only resolved by the suffering of the Anglo-Boer war. > > It is hard to tell what right-wing terrorist groups think, if they think at > all. But the current sense of crisis among Afrikaners, compounded by crime, > farm murders, affirmative action and Asmal's anglicisation policies, > provides an ideal environment for recruitment to extremist groups, whether > left or right. > > When Asmal threatened to impose English on the remaining Afrikaans > universities, especially in medicine and engineering, 27 Afrikaner > organisations protested en bloc, ranging from the politically correct > Afrikanerbond (formerBroederbond) which supports Milnerist > "nation-building" to the ProAfrikaanse Aksiegroep, which would like to see > cultural autonomy for Afrikaans-speakers. > > In the past few years, apart from a few kaftans and African proper names, > SA has evolved into a state about as indigenous as Coke, without the > brandy. > > As the country finds itself forcemarched towards a neo-Milnerist, > "inclusive" identity, held together by the weak glue of English, which is > understood by less than half of her population, tensions will arise that > may ultimately prove more divisive than apartheid. After all, unlike the > Isrealis and the Palestinians, we've never really hated each other. > > In the overreaction to the Groep van 63's letter to Mbeki, I thought I saw > real hatred for the first time. It hardly augurs well for the future. > > Roodt, a former Head of Derivatives at Citibank, is the author of a book on > the Truth Commission, Om die Waarheidskommissie te Vergeet, and leader of > the Pro-Afrikaanse Aksiegroep (Praag). >
On Thu, 28 Nov 2002 13:28:30 +0200, "Wouter Plaasvark" wrote: > Ek stem nie met sy lang redenasie oor bv Milnerisme saam nie, > en ek dink sy aanhalings oor Hertzog, ens. is nie baie relevant nie. > > Maar ek is dit met hom eens waar hy sê : > "Afrikaans newspapers in the Naspers group have been almost > hysterical in condemnation of the Groep van 63. So, pos van daai "condemnations" hier.